educational attainment dissertation

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• Published: 23 March 2018

Achievement at school and socioeconomic background—an educational perspective

• Sue Thomson 1  

npj Science of Learning volume  3 , Article number:  5 ( 2018 ) Cite this article

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INTRODUCTION

Educational achievement, and its relationship with socioeconomic background, is one of the enduring issues in educational research. The influential Coleman Report 1 concluded that schools themselves did little to affect a student’s academic outcomes over and above what the students themselves brought to them to school—‘the inequalities imposed on children by their home, neighbourhood and peer environment are carried along to become the inequalities with which they confront adult life at the end of school’ (p. 325). Over the intervening 50 years, much has been added to the research literature on this topic, including several high-quality meta-analyses. It has become ubiquitous in research studies to use a student’s socioeconomic background, and that of the school they attend, as contextual variables when seeking to investigate potential influences on achievement.

The two articles in this issue of Science of Learning touch on aspects of this discussion rarely included in the educational research literature. The article by Smith–Wooley et al. 2 asks whether whether it is the influence of the student socioeconomic background that is the greater influence or whether the parents are passing down intellectually advantageous genes to their offspring. In contrast, the article by van Dongen et al. 3 suggests that that it is likely a combination of genetics and socioeconomic background, and they examine the effect of environment on the epigenetic status of genes that are involved in learning and memory.

What do we mean by socioeconomic background?

The definition of socioeconomic background used varies widely, even across educational research. In the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development’s (OECD) rigorous large-scale international assessment of more than 70 countries over 15 years, the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), socioeconomic background is represented by the index of Economic, Social and Cultural Status, which is a composite score derived by principal components analysis and is comprised of the International Socioeconomic Index of Occupational Status; the highest level of education of the student’s parents, converted into years of schooling; the PISA index of family wealth; the PISA index of home educational resources; and the PISA index of possessions related to 'classical' culture in the family home. 4

However, examining Sirin’s 5 meta-analysis of the research into socioeconomic status and academic achievement finds that many studies use a combination of one or more of parental education, occupation and income, others include parental expectations, and many simply use whether the student gets a free or reduced-price lunch. The latter factor is most commonly used as it is readily available from school records rather than having to ask questions about occupation and education of students or parents, yet Hauser 6 as well as Sirin have argued that it is conceptually problematic and should not be used. Other studies have used family structure, 7 , 8 family size, 9 and even residential mobility. 10

Sirin’s meta-analysis, however, found that the traditional definitions of socioeconomic background were not as strongly related to educational outcomes for students from different ethnic backgrounds, for those from rural areas, or for migrants. Its use in developing countries is particularly problematic. For example, in examining the effect of household wealth on educational achievement, Filmer & Pritchett 11 found that many poor children in developing countries either never enrol in school or attend to the end of first grade only. Even within developing countries, the gap in enrolment and achievement between rich and poor was found to be only a year or two, in other countries 9 or 10 years. Often in developing countries low achievement and enrolment is attributable to the physical unavailability of schools.

Similarly education achievement is measured in many ways—achievement on a set test in certain subject areas, completion of numbers of years of schooling, entrance to university, for example.

What does this mean for educators when they are reviewing the research? It means that they need to exercise some caution. The results and the conclusions will obviously vary, as the research is, essentially, looking at different influencers and not the same influence each time. So, when the argument is made that the relationship is not stable, this may well be because the variable under consideration is different.

School-level socioeconomic background

While the Coleman Report concluded that schools themselves added little to effect outcomes, the school environment, in particular the social background of a student’s peers at the school, has certainly been found to be positively related to student achievement. On average, a student who attends a school in which the average socioeconomic status is high enjoys better educational outcomes compared to a student attending a school with a lower average peer socioeconomic level. 12 , 13

Relationship between achievement and student socioeconomic background

There is some discussion about the size of the effect, however the relationship between a student’s socioeconomic background and their educational achievement seems enduring and substantial. Using data from PISA, the OECD have concluded that 'while many disadvantaged students succeed at school … socioeconomic status is associated with significant differences in performance in most countries and economies that participate in PISA. Advantaged students tend to outscore their disadvantaged peers by large margins' (p. 214). 14 The strength of the relationship varies from very strong to moderate across participating countries, but the relationship does exist in each country. In Australia, students from the highest quartile of socioeconomic background perform, on average, at a level about 3 years higher than their counterparts from the lowest quartile. 15 Over the 15 years of PISA data currently available, the size of this relationship, on average, has changed little, and over the now 50 years since the publication of the Coleman Report, the gap between advantaged and disadvantaged students remains.

How are these effects transmitted?

What the continued gap between advantaged and disadvantaged students highlights is that despite all the research, it is still unclear how socioeconomic background influences student attainment.

There are those that argue that the relationships between socioeconomic background and educational achievement are only moderate and the effects of SES are quite small when taking into account cognitive ability or prior achievement. 16 Cognitive ability is deemed to be a genetic quality and its effects only influenced to a small degree by schools. Much of the body of research, particularly that generated from large-scale international studies, would seem to contradict this reasoning.

Others have argued that students from low socioeconomic level homes are at a disadvantage in schools because they lack an academic home environment, which influences their academic success at school. In particular, books in the home has been found over many years in many of the large-scale international studies, to be one of the most influential factors in student achievement. 15 From the beginning, parents with higher socioeconomic status are able to provide their children with the financial support and home resources for individual learning. As they are likely to have higher levels of education, they are also more likely to provide a more stimulating home environment to promote cognitive development. Parents from higher socioeconomic backgrounds may also provide higher levels of psychological support for their children through environments that encourage the development of skills necessary for success at school. 17

The issue of how school-level socioeconomic background effects achievement is also of interest. Clearly one way is in lower levels of physical and educational resourcing, but other less obvious ways include lower expectations of teachers and parents, and lower levels of student self-efficacy, enjoyment and other non-cognitive outcomes. 15 There is also some evidence that opportunity to learn (particularly in mathematics) is more restricted for lower socioeconomic students, with ‘systematically weaker content offered to lower-income students [so that] rather than ameliorating educational inequalities, schools were exacerbating them’. 18

Conclusions

If the role of education is not simply to reproduce inequalities in society then we need to understand what the role of socioeconomic background more clearly. While much research has been undertaken in the past 50 years, and we are fairly certain that socioeconomic background does have an effect on educational achievement, we are no closer to understanding how this effect is transmitted. Until we are, it will remain difficult to address. In this edition of Science of Learning, two further contributions to this body of knowledge have been added—and perhaps indicate new paths that need to be followed to develop this understanding.

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A More Comprehensive Theory of Educational Attainment: An Empirical Analysis of the Determinants of Racial and Ethnic Inequality in the College Completion Process

The Civil Rights movement and the Great Society legislation of the 1960s and early 1970s resulted in numerous initiatives designed to bring race/ethnic minorities into mainstream American society. Many of these initiatives were implemented in the educational system, as educational attainment is an important determinant of social mobility. The numerous programs intended to integrate race/ethnic minorities into mainstream society via increased educational attainment have been somewhat successful, as the proportion of racial/ethnic minorities completing college has increased since the 1970s. However, the racial/ethnic gap in college completion has minimally changed, as the proportion of white students completing college has also increased. In an attempt to understand the determinants of educational inequality numerous theories of educational attainment have been developed. A handful of these perspectives, the Wisconsin Model, Oppositional Culture, Capital Deficiency, and Segmented Assimilation have gained prominence. However they can not consistently explain the race/ethnic achievement gap. To better understand racial/ethnic inequality this dissertation engages the leading theories of educational attainment. Initially, it uses the University of Washington Beyond High School Project data to independently examine each theory and assess whether it operates as hypothesized. After the independent assessment, a cumulative integrated theory of educational attainment is constructed, utilizing the key explanatory mechanisms from the leading theories of educational attainment, such as family context and encouragement from significant others. The integrated theory of attainment is advantageous as it best explains the racial/ethnic achievement gap and the educational attainment process. This dissertation also examines whether a cumulative integrated theory explains the racial/ethnic variation that exists across the educational transitions in the college completion process. Lastly, encouragement from significant others is examined as it is a central explanatory mechanism in the college completion process. The results illustrate that a less advantaged family context is the main obstacle for traditionally disadvantaged minority youth, while the advantage displayed youth from Asian ethnic groups is largely a function of their increased receipt of significant others college encouragement. Also, the results reveal that significant others encouragement, not only attenuates race/ethnic variation, it is also a key explanatory variable in the college completion process.

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Assessing educational inequality in high participation systems: the role of educational expansion and skills diffusion in comparative perspective

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A vast literature shows parental education significantly affects children’s chance of attaining higher education even in high participation systems (HPS). Comparative studies further argue that the strength of this intergenerational transmission of education varies across countries. However, the mechanisms behind this cross-national heterogeneity remain elusive. Extending recent arguments on the “EE-SD model” and using the OECD data for over 32,000 individuals in 26 countries, this study examines how the degree of educational inequality varies depending on the levels of educational expansion and skills diffusion. Country-specific analyses initially confirm the substantial link between parental and children’s educational attainment in all HPS. Nevertheless, multilevel regressions reveal that this unequal structure becomes weak in highly skilled societies net of quantity of higher education opportunities. Although further examination is necessary to establish causality, these results suggest that the accumulation of high skills in a society plays a role in mitigating intergenerational transmission of education. Potential mechanisms include (1) skills-based rewards allocation is fostered and (2) the comparative advantage of having educated parents in the human capital formation process diminishes due to the diffusion of high skills among the population across social strata. These findings also indicate that contradictory evidence on the persistence of educational inequality in relation to educational expansion may partially reflect the extent to which each study incorporates the skills dimension. Examining the roles of societal-level skills diffusion alongside higher education proliferation is essential to better understand social inequality and stratification mechanisms in HPS.

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Introduction

Access to higher education has markedly increased over the past decades, leading to the establishment of high participation systems (HPS) worldwide (Cantwell et al., 2018 ). Despite such an expansion of higher education opportunities, evidence shows that one’s educational attainment is unequally distributed based on socio-economic status (SES) (Marginson, 2016a , 2016b ; Pfeffer, 2008 ; Voss et al., 2022 ). This persistent association between SES and education is often explained through the lens of stratification theories, such as maximally maintained inequality (Raftery & Hout, 1993 ) and effectively maintained inequality (Lucas, 2001 ). Comparative studies also highlight the influence of societal conditions, suggesting that highly tracked education systems are likely to exacerbate educational inequalities despite facilitating smoother transitions from education to work (Bol et al., 2019 ; Burger, 2016 ; Österman, 2018 ; Reichelt et al., 2019 ; Traini, 2022 ).

Although researchers have extensively investigated the unequal structure of educational attainment from longitudinal and cross-national perspectives, the mechanisms behind the heterogeneous degrees of inequality across societies remain elusive. As mentioned, educational tracking has been seen as a key societal determinant. However, OECD ( 2018 ) reveals that the magnitude of SES significantly varies even among HPS with similar levels of tracking and higher education expansion. This suggests there are missing societal traits, not yet explored in prior studies, that explain cross-national variation in the extent of educational inequality. Identifying this “hidden” structure would also be valuable from a policy perspective in addressing unequal educational attainment in HPS.

In this regard, recent research has detected a unique social structure: (1) the expansion of higher education (i.e., educational expansion) is not identical to the accumulation of high skills (i.e., skills diffusion) and (2) these two societal dimensions play distinct roles in social stratification by influencing the amount and allocation of human capital and socio-economic rewards (Araki, 2020 ; Araki & Kariya, 2022 ; Hanushek & Woessmann, 2015 ). 1 Drawing on these findings, Araki ( 2023b ) proposed the “EE-SD model” to uncover the characteristics of higher education systems and relevant social problems. This framework, with close attention to skills alongside education per se, potentially offers a useful viewpoint to better understand educational stratification in HPS for two reasons.

First, given that high-SES families tend to transmit their high educational attainment via human capital development of offsprings in terms of high skills and aspirations (Davies et al., 2014 ), this relative advantage may weaken due to skills diffusion insofar as this societal shift occurs in a way that promotes the share of the population possessing high skills across social strata including the disadvantaged. This also means, so long as skills diffusion is realized exclusively among the advantaged without involving their low-SES counterparts, the degree of educational inequality may even intensify due to the exacerbated advantage of the high-SES group in human capital formation.

Second, in case skills diffusion promotes a more meritocratic rewards allocation process based on increased visibility of skills (Araki, 2020 ), it is plausible that the relative impact of family background on educational attainment diminishes while the importance of skills as such increases. Put differently, if HPS are formed merely as a consequence of expanding educational opportunities without skills diffusion, the advantaged may retain their prestigious positions on the education ladder regardless of their skills level. Furthermore, considering a possibility that the accumulation of high skills in a society does not make skills more visible, skills diffusion may not affect the structure of educational inequality due to the absence of skills-based meritocratic system. In either case, the association between intergenerational transmission of higher education and societal-level skills diffusion represents an essential knowledge gap in this vein.

From a comparative perspective, this paper thus examines how the linkage between SES and college completion varies across societies depending on the degree of skills diffusion, as well as higher education expansion and tracking. In what follows, the relevant literature is reviewed, followed by data/methods, analysis results, and discussion.

Inequality in educational attainment

In analyzing the association between individuals’ SES and educational attainment, scholars have long paid attention to how it shifts in tandem with educational expansion (Breen, 2010 ; Shavit et al., 1993 ). This agenda is particularly relevant in the contemporary world, many parts of which have achieved HPS with tertiary enrolment ratios exceeding 50% (Cantwell et al., 2018 ; Marginson, 2016a ).

One oft-cited concept in this line of research is maximally maintained inequality (MMI) proposed by Raftery and Hout ( 1993 ), although their primary focus was on secondary rather than tertiary education. Uncovering that the contribution of social origin to children’s education persisted despite increased educational opportunities in Ireland, they argued intergenerational inequality would only begin to decline once the advantaged reached a saturation point (e.g., 100% of enrolment). Subsequent studies have widely confirmed this MMI structure at the tertiary education level (Bar Haim & Shavit, 2013 ; Chesters & Watson, 2013 ; Czarnecki, 2018 ; Konstantinovskiy, 2017 ; Wakeling & Laurison, 2017 ).

Extending MMI, Lucas ( 2001 ) found that inequality had been effectively maintained, as advantaged individuals would secure valuable educational assets (e.g., prestigious institutions and fields of study) even when the disadvantaged caught up in terms of the level of educational qualifications. A vast literature has empirically supported the idea of effectively maintained inequality (EMI) in the higher education sector across the globe (Ayalon & Yogev, 2005 ; Boliver, 2011 ; Dias Lopes, 2020 ; Ding et al., 2021 ; Gerber & Cheung, 2008 ; Hällsten & Thaning, 2018 ; Kopycka, 2021 ; Reimer & Pollak, 2010 ; Seehuus, 2019 ; Torche, 2011 ; Triventi, 2013 ).

Meanwhile, introducing a standardized analytical model, Breen et al. ( 2009 ) argued that the link between origins and educational attainment weakened along with educational expansion in multiple countries. Much research reports a similar structure of nonpersistent inequality (Barone & Ruggera, 2018 ; Breen, 2010 ; Breen et al., 2010 ; Duru-Bellat & Kieffer, 2000 ; Pfeffer & Hertel, 2015 ). In line with these longitudinal findings, comparative work also detected the smaller social gap in education in societies with a larger share of highly educated populations, despite the observed MMI structure in each country (Liu et al., 2016 ).

In investigating the mechanisms behind cross-national variation in the SES effect on educational attainment, scholars have shed light on institutional stratification in education (Pfeffer, 2008 ). Evidence shows that (1) highly tracked systems make education-work transitions more effective (i.e., learners gain occupation-specific skills or at least educational credentials signifying those skills, thus obtaining occupations relevant to their fields of study) (Bol et al., 2019 ) but (2) strong tracking also intensifies educational inequality compared to more comprehensive education systems (Bol and van de Werfhorst, 2013 ; Burger, 2016 ; Chmielewski et al., 2013 ; Österman, 2018 ; Reichelt et al., 2019 ; Tieben & Wolbers, 2010 ; Van de Werfhorst, 2018 ; Van de Werfhorst and Mijs, 2010 ).

The link between SES and educational attainment has thus been uncovered in relation to societal-level educational expansion and tracking. Nonetheless, one puzzling fact is that the degree of inequality significantly varies even among HPS with similar social policies and education systems (OECD, 2018 ). It is plausible that some societal traits, which have been inadequately incorporated in prior studies, operate in forming educational inequality.

As argued, one potentially important process here is skills diffusion. Evidence shows (1) the degree of skills diffusion is positively correlated with that of educational expansion, making HPS more likely to advance skills diffusion (Araki, 2023b ) but (2) the effects of educational expansion and skills diffusion on socio-economic outcomes at the individual and societal levels are not identical (Araki, 2020 ; Hanushek & Woessmann, 2015 ). Given these arguments, one may assume that the accumulation of high skills in a society, apart from educational proliferation, plays a unique role in forming educational (in)equality especially via two possible mechanisms.

First, prior research argues that skills diffusion may accelerate the skills-based rewards distribution because of increased discernability of high skills, which allows the labor market to identify highly skilled human resources (Araki, 2020 ). Should this intensified meritocratic mechanism induced by skills diffusion be applicable to the schooling process, the impact of SES on educational attainment may diminish in contrast to the growing importance of high skills. Nonetheless, evidence is elusive concerning the extent to which skills diffusion actually increases skills’ visibility in such a way that educational assets are allocated based on skills instead of SES. Put differently, it is still possible that the structure of educational inequality is not affected, or rather exacerbated, by skills diffusion.

Second, the accumulation of high skills, especially among the disadvantaged, may mitigate the comparative advantage of high-SES groups in human capital formation. Considering that the advantaged are more likely to invest their resources to foster children’s skills, which are favored in the process of climbing the educational ladder, the effects of such interventions could be hindered by skills development among the disadvantaged group. One should note, despite this potential consequence of skills diffusion, SES may still exert its influence on education by exerting symbolic power in that children from advantaged families easily internalize legitimate culture and behaviors leading to better educational outcomes (Jæger & Karlson, 2018 ; Sieben & Lechner, 2019 ). In addition, in response to the catchup by low-SES groups, their high-SES counterparts may invest more to further enhance children’s skills both quantitatively and qualitatively (i.e., the level and type of skills, respectively). This perception is aligned with EMI theory on educational inequality.

Nevertheless, the SES gap incurred by unequal human capital formation could still diminish in association with skills diffusion. For example, Huber, Gunderson, and Stephens ( 2020 ) found that the skills development mechanism played a role in reducing inequalities, although their focus was on educational spending and income inequality. Should this be the case for the distribution of higher education opportunities, it is logical to assume that the cross-national variation in the linkage between SES and educational attainment can be explained partially, if not completely, by the extent of skills diffusion in each society. Indeed, while showing the typological EE-SD framework, Araki ( 2023b ) argued that the structure of educational inequality would be an important agenda to be examined by incorporating both educational expansion and skills diffusion. Therefore, the current study investigates the heterogeneous SES effect on higher education attainment with particular attention to societal-level skills diffusion, educational expansion, and tracking.

Data and methods

Data and strategy.

The degree of skills diffusion has long been unmeasurable in a comparable way. However, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) has recently developed an international survey of adult skills (PIAAC), which permits a cross-national examination of cognitive skills. Although using this dataset merely covers OECD and partner countries, future research can use the framework and findings that follow as the foundation to investigate broader geographical areas.

PIAAC is composed of a standardized assessment of cognitive ability and background questionnaires including educational attainment and socio-demographic attributes. Participants are nationally representative individuals aged 16 to 65 and accordingly, one can infer the skills level of the population based on individual-level data (OECD, 2019 ). Because of its wide coverage of variables and high quality skills data, PIAAC has been used by the vast literature on educational inequality and socio-economic returns to education (Araki, 2020 , 2023a ; Hanushek et al., 2015 ; Heisig et al., 2020 ; Huber et al., 2020 ; Jerrim & Macmillan, 2015 ; Pensiero & Barone, 2024 ). One limitation of PIAAC is its scope: while it primarily assesses cognitive ability in terms of literacy and numeracy, 2 other types (e.g., noncognitive and occupation-specific skills) are not directly included. However, given that cognitive skills serve as the basis for other dimensions of skills and socio-economic outcomes (Krishnakumar & Nogales, 2020 ; OECD, 2016 ), it is sensible to use the PIAAC data to quantify the skills level.

Among PIAAC participants aged 16 to 65, this article focuses on respondents aged 25 to 34, considering that the association between SES and education could significantly vary across cohorts. This approach also reduces two risks: (1) as compared to younger groups, respondents are likely to have completed the highest level of education; and (2) unlike older groups, the influence of work experience and relevant attributes on educational attainment is assumed to be small. From the OECD public use database, 3 the current study extracts 32,549 respondents in 26 countries that provide valid data for all predictor and outcome variables as detailed below. See Table 1 for specific countries and the sample size with the gross tertiary enrolment ratio, which indicates that all countries are classifiable as HPS (i.e., over 50%).

One potential analytic approach here is to focus on how the contribution of SES to educational attainment has shifted over time in the process of educational expansion and skills diffusion in a given society. As reviewed, much research in this vein has employed a longitudinal approach to compare multiple cohorts within countries. Although this method gives detailed implications for each society, it does not completely address period effects (Glenn, 1976 ). In addition, because the strength of tracking is relatively stable (Brunello & Checchi, 2007 ), it is difficult to accurately detect the longitudinal change.

Two types of cross-country analyses thus become sound strategies. The first approach is to perform country-specific analyses using the individual-level data and to contrast the relative degree of educational inequality and societal-level degrees of educational expansion, skills diffusion, and tracking across cases. The second strategy is to employ hierarchical modeling with pooled data from all countries with both individual and country-level variables. While the first method provides evidence for each society, the second one shows the general tendency beyond the national boundary. Given the comparative advantage of these two options, both approaches are employed: (1) country-specific analyses using individual-level data in 26 countries and (2) multilevel regressions focused on the link between the strength of educational inequality and societal-level conditions.

The outcome variable is the possession of a bachelor’s degree or above, which is equivalent to the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED) 2011 Level 6 and above. Although short-cycle tertiary education (ISCED 2011 Level 5) is sometimes included when assessing individuals’ educational attainment, the nature of this educational stage varies across countries (Di Stasio, 2017 ). To ensure international comparability, the current paper employs ISCED 2011 Level 6 and above as a measure for high educational attainment. Considering also (1) the potential bias incurred by using a categorical measure in hierarchical modeling and (2) the different nature between the possession of tertiary degrees and the length of educational experience, a continuous variable (i.e., years of schooling) is also adopted. Because one country does not provide data on this continuous measure, the nonlinear model (with the dummy for ISCED 2011 Level 6 and above) is primarily shown in the manuscript, while the linear model (with years of schooling as an outcome) is displayed as a robustness check (see the next section for more details).

As regards individual-level predictor variables, much research has used parental education, occupation, and economic status, as well as the number of books in the home (NBH). Among these, the PIAAC dataset includes parental education (i.e., father’s and mother’s highest levels of education) and NBH. Although NBH has been widely taken as a representative SES measure (Chmielewski, 2019 ; OECD, 2016 ; Sieben & Lechner, 2019 ), recent research points out its potential endogeneity problem especially when the respondents are children (Engzell, 2021 ). Considering also the meaning/value of NBH substantially varies across countries, the current study uses parental education to represent SES. This strategy focused on parental education is widely employed by the literature in this vein (Brand & Xie, 2010 ; Cheng et al., 2021 ; Oh & Kim, 2020 ; Pensiero & Barone, 2024 ; Torche, 2018 ). Following prior studies, three categories are constructed by combining paternal and maternal education (i.e., both parents, one parent, or neither parents are tertiary educated). Meanwhile, a robustness check is performed by replacing parental education with NBH, and the result is shown in the Appendix (Table 5 ). Note that the result of this supplementary analysis is consistent with the main findings that follow. Alongside parental education, individual-level predictors include gender (men dummy), age (30–34-year-old dummy), 4 and immigrant background (first-generation immigrant dummy) as these attributes are substantially associated with educational attainment (Breen & Jonsson, 2005 ).

Country-level variables cover the levels of educational expansion, skills diffusion, and tracking. To align with the outcome variable, the education measure is the percentage of the population who possess a bachelor’s degree and above. Considering the potential bias caused by using the simple means of individual-level education and skills in the PIAAC dataset for macro-level indicators, the societal-level variables here are not estimated based on PIAAC micro data but extracted from the national statistics in each country (OECD, 2014 ). It is noteworthy that the following results and implications are robust even when replacing this societal trait with the proportion of people with a degree including ISCED 2011 Level 5 (short-cycle tertiary) (see Table 6 in the Appendix).

For the skills indicator, following previous research (Araki, 2020 , 2023c ), the proportion of individuals whose mean score of literacy and numeracy in PIAAC is 326 and above (out of 500 points) is used. This is consistent with the OECD’s definition of high skills (OECD, 2019 ). As discussed, “skills” directly assessed by PIAAC refer to cognitive ability, and therefore, future research must incorporate other dimensions to advance this line of studies. These macro-level education and skills metrics are limited to the population aged 25 to 34 in line with individual-level variables. This way, the marginal distribution of educational opportunities and skills among the target age group is properly incorporated in the following analyses. Note that this measure reflects the skills level among the population ages 25–34, and hence, it is suitable to test one of the said two hypothetical mechanisms: a more meritocratic rewards allocation process is intensified by skills diffusion, leading to less educational inequality. Meanwhile, the percentage of people with high skills among those whose parents are not tertiary educated is also used to examine the second scenario: the larger share of highly skilled people among low-SES groups undermines the comparative advantage of high-SES groups in human capital formation. This skills indicator for the low parental education group is estimated by the OECD using all participants in each country and not limited to those aged 25 to 34. The analysis results of this second approach are thus shown in the Appendix (Table 6 ).

The degree of tracking is derived from Bol and van de Werfhorst ( 2013 ). Admittedly, other conditions could also affect the association between parental education and educational attainment against a background of skills diffusion and educational expansion. In particular, the macroeconomic structure may alter the social function of skills and higher education, while the overall degree of social inequality may influence educational inequality. Although the aforementioned three societal-level traits are primarily used given the potential bias incurred by a larger number of macro-level measures against the relatively small sample size for countries, GDP per capita and the Gini index are therefore added to the main analysis for a robustness check (see the Appendix, Table 6 ). Table 2 summarizes descriptive statistics.

Analytic models

For country-specific analyses, binary logistic regression is performed using individual-level data for 26 countries respectively as follows.

where i = individual, p i = the probability of holding a bachelor’s degree or above for individual i , b n = the coefficient of predictor variables, M i = the men dummy, A i = the age 30–34 dummy, I i = the first-generation immigrant dummy, BT i = the dummy for those whose parents are both tertiary educated, OT i = the dummy for those having one tertiary educated parent, and ε i = the residual for individual i . The primary focus here is on the parameters for parental education ( b 4 and b 5 ). Given that these coefficients do not provide straightforward implications (Breen et al., 2018 ; Mood, 2010 ), the average marginal effects (i.e., predicted probability for each parental education group) are also estimated and compared across countries to confirm the variation in the advantage of having tertiary educated parents (see Fig. 1 ). This serves as the basis for the following multilevel regressions.

In model 1 of hierarchical modeling, only individual-level predictors are employed with particular attention to b 4 , and b 5 in Eq. ( 2 ), where j = level two (i.e., country).

In models 2 to 4, three country-level variables and their interactions with two individual-level parental groups are added to model 1, respectively, to examine how the association between parental education and educational attainment varies in accordance with the societal conditions. Although there is a risk of biased estimation by including more than two level-two variables given the limited number of countries in the current model, model 5 concurrently incorporates the extent of educational expansion, skills diffusion, and tracking to confirm the robustness of models 2 to 4. GDP per capita and the Gini index are further added for robustness checks (see Table 6  in the Appendix). The basic concepts of these models are describable as follows.

where γ 00 = the average intercept, γ 0n = the coefficient of country-level predictor variables X , and u 0 j = the country ( j )-dependent deviation. Substituting Eq. ( 3 ) into Eq. ( 2 ) and denoting b n by γ n 0 while incorporating cross-level interaction terms, γ 4 n and γ 5 n in Eq. ( 4 ) below indicate the heterogeneous magnitudes of two parental education measures associated with three societal traits. Following the recent argument that random slopes on lower-level variables used in cross-level interactions should be incorporated (Heisig & Schaeffer, 2019 ), both random intercepts and slopes are estimated for parental education as follows.

where u nj = the country dependent deviation of the slopes for two parental education groups. Finally, as shown in Eq. ( 5 ) where Y ij is years of schooling for individual i in country j , model 6 employs a multilevel linear regression approach with the same predictors as model 5 for a robustness check.

Note that these cross-sectional models do not completely account for unobserved variables at the individual and societal levels. As the OECD has been administering the second cycle of PIAAC, future research must undertake longitudinal analyses to address this issue.

Table 3 shows the results of binary logistic regression of college completion for 26 countries. In all cases, parental education exhibits a positive sign for the chance of attaining tertiary education (i.e., b 4 and b 5 in Eq. 1 are positive and statistically significant). 5 In particular, the magnitude is notably large for the most advantaged group with both parents being tertiary educated (e.g., b 4 = 1.02, 95%CI 0.63 to 1.41; b 5 = 1.92, 95%CI 1.43 to 2.42 in Austria). Figure 1 indeed indicates that the predicted probability of obtaining a first degree substantially varies across three parental education groups, with the most disadvantaged tier (i.e., without tertiary educated parents) suffering from a limited chance of completing tertiary education in every country.

Predicted probability of completing tertiary education by parental education in 26 countries. The Y axis indicates the predicted probability of attaining tertiary education (ISCED 2011 level 6 or above) for three parental education groups as indicated at the top of the figure across 26 countries ( X axis). See also Table 1 for country abbreviations

Nonetheless, it is worth noting that despite the relative disadvantage within a country, the predicted probability of college completion among the low parental education group in some countries (e.g., 37.6%, 95%CI 33.9 to 41.3 in Finland) is higher than that of the second tier with one tertiary educated parent in others (e.g., 29.8%, 95%CI 22.7 to 36.9, in Belgium). In addition, as far as the extent of educational inequality is concerned, the gap in the chance of college completion between the most advantaged and disadvantaged groups differs across nations, ranging from 28.8 points in South Korea to 76.6 points in Turkey. The key question here is how this cross-national variation in intergenerational transmission of higher education is associated with societal-level conditions.

Table 4 summarizes the results of multilevel regressions. In model 1 with only individual-level variables, all predictors show a significant sign for educational attainment at the 0.1% level. That is, even when accounting for gender, age, and immigrant background, as well as cross-national differences in the intercept and slopes, the strong association between parental education and educational attainment is confirmed. As observed earlier in the country-specific analyses, the magnitude of having two tertiary educated parents is larger than that of only one highly educated parent ( γ 40 = 1.91, 95%CI 1.73 to 2.08; γ 50 = 1.08, 95%CI 0.95 to 1.21). This substantial linkage between parental education, especially having two tertiary educated parents, and the chance of college completion holds regardless of models in the following analyses.

Model 2 adds one country-level variable (i.e., the proportion of tertiary educated people) and its cross-level interactions with two measures for parental education. Apart from the significant coefficients of individual-level predictors, the interaction terms between parental education and the degree of educational expansion shows negative and statistically significant signs ( γ 41 = −0.02, 95%CI −0.04 to 0.00, P = 0.022; γ 51 = −0.02, 95%CI −0.04 to −0.01, P = 0.006). This suggests, as argued by some prior studies, the advantage of having tertiary educated parents is likely to be smaller in societies where the aggregate education level is relatively high. Put differently, although further longitudinal investigations are necessary to establish causality, the accumulation of educational opportunities in a society might operate as an equalizer in mitigating the influence of parental education.

An identical structure is observed in model 3, where the degree of educational expansion is replaced with that of skills diffusion (i.e., the proportion of highly skilled people). In addition to the significant links between individual-level predictors and the probability of obtaining a first degree, the coefficient of the interaction terms between parental education and the societal-level skills indicator is negative ( γ 42 = −0.03, 95%CI −0.05 to −0.01, P = 0.003; γ 52 = −0.03, 95%CI −0.05 to −0.02, P < 0.001). As with the extent of educational expansion, this result indicates a possibility that the role of parental education in children’s educational attainment could decline in societies with a higher degree of skills diffusion. In Model 4, the strength of tracking is included instead of societal-level education and skills measures. As reported by previous research in this vein, the positive signs of interaction terms between tracking and parental education are confirmed ( γ 43 = 0.15, 95%CI −0.02 to 0.31, P = 0.088; γ 53 = 0.15, 95%CI 0.04 to 0.27, P = 0.007). That is, the extent of intergenerational educational inequality is likely to be stronger in more tracked systems.

Model 5 incorporates all three country-level predictors and their interaction terms. One important result here is that the interaction between parental education and the degree of educational expansion is almost nullified ( γ 41 = −0.00, 95%CI −0.03 to 0.02, P = 0.773; γ 51 = 0.01, 95%CI −0.01 to 0.02, P = 0.326). In contrast, the one between parental education and the skills diffusion measure holds its negative sign ( γ 42 = −0.03, 95%CI −0.05 to −0.00, P = 0.030; γ 52 = −0.03, 95%CI −0.05 to −0.02, P < 0.001). The same structure is observed when (1) conducting multilevel linear regression with years of schooling as the outcome in Model 6 ( γ 41 = −0.04, P = 0.133; γ 51 = −0.01, P = 0.453; γ 42 = −0.04, P = 0.072; γ 52 = −0.05, P = 0.001), (2) incorporating the proportion of people with short-cycle tertiary education for the educational expansion metric in Model A2 ( γ 42 = −0.02, 95%CI −0.04 to 0.00, P = 0.034; γ 52 = −0.03, 95%CI −0.04 to −0.02, P < 0.001), and (3) adjusting for GDP per capita and the Gini index as additional societal-level conditions in Model A3 ( γ 42 = −0.03, 95%CI −0.06 to 0.00, P = 0.059; γ 52 = −0.03, 95%CI −0.04 to −0.01, P < 0.001). Figure 2 indeed depicts the diminishing effect of parental education in tandem with higher proportions of the population with high skills.

Marginal effects of parental education by the degree of skill diffusion. The Y axis is the marginal effects of parental education (i.e., one parent is tertiary educated; both parents are tertiary educated) across the degree of skills diffusion (i.e., the percentage of population with high skills) ranging from 0 to 50 ( X axis) based on the multilevel binary logistic regression (model 5). The dashed lines indicate the 95% confidence intervals

The sole exception is the final model using the share of highly skilled people among the low parental education group as the societal-level skills measure (Model A4 in the Appendix, Table 6 ). While its interaction with the second tier (i.e., only one tertiary educated parent) shows a substantially negative coefficient ( γ 52 = −0.02, 95%CI −0.04 to −0.01, P = 0.001), the one with the top tier (i.e., both parents are tertiary educated) is not statistically significant despite its negative sign ( γ 42 = −0.02, 95%CI −0.04 to −0.00, P = 0.106). This suggests that the second hypothetical scenario (i.e., the advantage of high-SES groups in human capital formation diminishes along with skills diffusion among the disadvantaged) is partially supported in that the second layer in parental education with one tertiary educated parent encounters their diminishing advantage in educational attainment. However, the most advantaged group seems to retain their relative position even when the disadvantaged advances their cognitive skills. In the next section, after summarizing the key findings, some implications are discussed.

Discussion and conclusion

This study investigates cross-national variation in intergenerational transmission of education among high participation systems (HPS). Drawing on the EE-SD framework (Araki, 2023b ), particular attention is paid to societal-level higher education expansion, tracking, and skills diffusion. Using the OECD PIAAC data for 32,549 adults in 26 countries, individual-level analyses first corroborate the literature in that parental education is significantly associated with the likelihood of college completion. However, multilevel regressions show that educational inequality is not persistent; rather, the advantage of having tertiary educated parents becomes smaller in societies with a higher proportion of tertiary graduates. This result supports prior evidence indicating the equalizing function of educational expansion.

Nevertheless, once incorporating the degrees of skills diffusion and tracking as societal-level predictors, the interaction between the extent of educational expansion and parental education loses its significant sign. Instead, the skills indicator holds a negative interaction effect with parental education. Further research is necessary to claim causation, given that (1) unobserved societal traits may be significantly affecting the link between parental education and the societal-level education/skills indicators and (2) the degree of skills diffusion may mediate the effect of educational expansion as detailed below. Yet, based on these results, it is plausible that the accumulation of high skills in a society plays a role in altering the power of parental education over children’s chance of attaining higher education.

Assuming that the observed results reflect a causal relationship to a certain extent, they are interpretable as representing distinct functions of educational expansion and skills diffusion. When focusing solely on the proliferation of educational opportunities (as in model 2), growth in higher education appears to operate as an equalizer and mitigates intergenerational transmission of higher education. However, because educational expansion and skills diffusion often advance hand in hand (Araki, 2023b ), the seemingly equalizing effect of educational expansion might actually be attributed to the contribution of skills diffusion. Consequently, the observed effect of educational proliferation can be cancelled out once the skills dimension is taken into account. Importantly, this does not necessarily mean that educational expansion is irrelevant to the heterogeneous link between parental education and children’s educational attainment, as skills diffusion may mediate the contribution of increased higher education opportunities. That is, educational expansion may indirectly reduce educational inequality via fostering high skills. Nonetheless, regardless of the extent to which skills diffusion incorporates the influence of educational proliferation, it is noteworthy that the accumulation of high skills itself is substantially associated with the degree of educational inequality.

As regards the potential mechanism whereby skills diffusion may curb intergenerational transmission of education, one must recognize the qualitative difference between two societal conditions. While educational expansion means the larger number/share of the population with a tertiary degree as such regardless of their actual skills, skills diffusion represents the accumulation of individuals with high skills in a society. Accordingly, the level of skills diffusion can signify the quantity of human resources possessing adequate abilities to make rational choices and contribute to a more meritocratic society, where educational and other assets may be allocated based on individuals’ merit rather than SES. This perception aligns with prior studies that have demonstrated the distinct roles of skills in the rewards allocation process (Araki & Kariya, 2022 ; Hanushek et al., 2015 ). Importantly, this diminishing inequality cannot be observed solely through educational expansion, as it does not guarantee a sufficient number of individuals with high skills who can effectively promote the establishment of a meritocratic mechanism. 6

Should this be the case, the extent of intergenerational transmission of education is likely to diminish especially when skills diffusion occurs among low-SES groups. This is because the accumulation of high skills among the disadvantaged undermines the relative advantage of high-SES groups (e.g., those with tertiary educated parents in the current analysis) in the human capital formation process, which in turn affects their chance of college completion. Notwithstanding, the empirical findings (model A4 in the Appendix, Table 6 ) only partially support this hypothesis. In tandem with the higher proportion of high skills among the disadvantaged whose parents are not tertiary educated, the advantage of having one tertiary educated parent declines. However, the advantageous position of having both a tertiary educated mother and father is not significantly devalued despite the negative sign. This suggests that the catching-up effect of advancing cognitive skills among the disadvantaged is more likely to be observable against the second tier of parental education strata, whereas the most advantaged group may maintain their higher chance of college completion, at least in the initial stage. These trends, which demonstrate persistent and flexible advantages among the socially privileged, are consistent with MMI (Raftery & Hout, 1993 ) and EMI (Lucas, 2001 ). If in fact this partial equalizing effect of skills diffusion exists, it raises an important question: will further advancement of skills development among the disadvantaged eventually mitigate the advantageous position of the top tier? In particular, from the EMI perspective, it is worth exploring whether the advantaged group will maintain their superiority by targeting certain fields of study favored in the labor market, particular higher education institutions with high prestige, and/or further advanced degrees (e.g., master’s and doctoral levels). Longitudinal studies are essential to answer these questions.

As such, one can better understand cross-national variation in educational inequality by shedding light on the diffusion of high skills, as well as higher education. This also suggests that the contradictory views on the effect of educational expansion in the literature (i.e., persistent versus nonpersistent inequality) may partially reflect the extent to which each study incorporates the influence of skills diffusion. When analyzing the consequences of increased educational opportunities, research may find a declining contribution of SES to educational attainment so long as educational proliferation in the target case is accompanied by skills diffusion (i.e., when trends in aggregate levels of education and skills are aligned). In contrast, if one focuses on societies (or periods/cohorts) where these two societal traits are significantly decoupled and educational opportunities increase without corresponding skills diffusion, the unequal structure is likely to persist because the equalizing role of skills diffusion is absent.

Nevertheless, the current paper adopts a cross-country approach unlike much research in this vein. Therefore, further examination is imperative to conclude whether, to what extent, and how skills diffusion actually operates as a fundamental societal trait. First, country-specific longitudinal analyses are pivotal to detect causal relationships across SES, higher education attainment, skills diffusion, and other factors. Second, in addition to the retrospective approach used in this paper, prospective analyses are essential lest we overrate the degree of intergenerational inequality (Breen & Ermisch, 2017 ; Lawrence & Breen, 2016 ; Song & Mare, 2015 ). Third, variables should be extended for family background (e.g., parental skills, occupations, and income), educational outcomes (e.g., aspiration, completion, fields of study, and prestige of institutions), skills (e.g., noncognitive and occupation-specific skills), and societal conditions (e.g., labor and welfare policy). Because the values of specific types of educational credentials and skills may differ in accordance with macroeconomic and socio-cultural settings, interactional effects of these variables need to be carefully examined. Likewise, given that the metrics for individual-level education and skills and societal-level educational expansion and skills diffusion are closely linked in the current study (and thus estimation could be somewhat biased), future research must incorporate different types of education and skills measures at the individual and societal levels. Fourth, as an extension of this line of studies, one should investigate how the trend of educational expansion and skills diffusion affect not only educational attainment but also (in)equalities in socio-economic outcomes beyond the schooling stage. This is particularly important as recent research shows that educational equalization does not necessarily result in the weakening linkage between parental education and children’s earnings over time, except Scandinavian countries (Pensiero & Barone, 2024 ). Finally, in addressing these tasks, analyses of non-OECD and non-HPS cases would be useful to obtain insights from a comparative perspective.

With this potential for further development, the present study contributes to advancing our knowledge on educational inequality among HPS. It is particularly noteworthy that the accumulation of high skills, along with the expansion of higher education opportunities, may collectively operate as an equalizer and mitigates intergenerational inequality in educational attainment.

Terms “educational expansion” and “skills diffusion” imply longitudinal changes in a given society, that is, an increase in the number/share of individuals with higher levels of educational attainment and skills, respectively. Meanwhile, macro-level data in the following empirical analyses are collected at one point in time. Therefore, the “levels of education/skills” are used in some of the empirical part, but the terms “educational expansion” and “skills diffusion” are also employed unless this strategy violates the accuracy of arguments.

Although PIAAC also assesses ICT skills, this article focuses on literacy and numeracy because some countries do not provide available data on ICT skills.

See the OECD website for the PIAAC data ( https://webfs.oecd.org/piaac/puf-data/ ) [Accessed: August 1, 2023]. Some countries listed in this webpage are not included in the following analyses due to the absence of comparable data for tracking.

This dummy variable is employed instead of the continuous age measure because an ample number of respondents have only age group information in the PIAAC public-use dataset.

The analysis also reveals the nuanced function of other predictors including gender, age, and immigrant background. Although the primary focus of this article is on parental education, future research will benefit from investigating how and why the association between educational attainment and these attributes varies across societies.

Another supposition is that the accumulation of high skills merely enhances the importance of other types of family background, such as parental occupations and economic class. Should this be the case, skills diffusion does not necessarily promote a meritocratic system even though the effect of parental education per se diminishes. This is an important agenda for future research.

Data availability

Data are available from the OECD website: https://webfs.oecd.org/piaac/puf-data/

Code availability

Available upon request.

Araki, S. (2020). Educational expansion, skills diffusion, and the economic value of credentials and skills. American Sociological Review, 85 (1), 128–175. https://doi.org/10.1177/0003122419897873

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Takehiko Kariya, Richard Breen, Jan O. Jonsson, Herman van de Werfhorst, Cláudia Sarrico, and anonymous reviewers for their invaluable comments and suggestions.

This research is supported by the Social Sciences Internal Seed Grant Scheme, the University of Hong Kong (000250635).

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The relationship between education and health: reducing disparities through a contextual approach

Anna zajacova.

Western University

Elizabeth M. Lawrence

University of North Carolina

Adults with higher educational attainment live healthier and longer lives compared to their less educated peers. The disparities are large and widening. We posit that understanding the educational and macro-level contexts in which this association occurs is key to reducing health disparities and improving population health. In this paper, we briefly review and critically assess the current state of research on the relationship between education and health in the United States. We then outline three directions for further research: We extend the conceptualization of education beyond attainment and demonstrate the centrality of the schooling process to health; We highlight the dual role of education a driver of opportunity but also a reproducer of inequality; We explain the central role of specific historical socio-political contexts in which the education-health association is embedded. This research agenda can inform policies and effective interventions to reduce health disparities and improve health of all Americans.

URGENT NEED FOR NEW DIRECTIONS IN EDUCATION-HEALTH RESEARCH

Americans have worse health than people in other high-income countries, and have been falling further behind in recent decades ( 137 ). This is partially due to the large health inequalities and poor health of adults with low education ( 84 ). Understanding the health benefits of education is thus integral to reducing health disparities and improving the well-being of 21 st century populations. Despite tremendous prior research, critical questions about the education-health relationship remain unanswered, in part because education and health are intertwined over the lifespans within and across generations and are inextricably embedded in the broader social context.

We posit that to effectively inform future educational and heath policy, we need to capture education ‘in action’ as it generates and constrains opportunity during the early lifespans of today’s cohorts. First, we need to expand our operationalization of education beyond attainment to consider the long-term educational process that precedes the attainment and its effect on health. Second, we need to re-conceptualize education as not only a vehicle for social success, valuable resources, and good health, but also as an institution that reproduces inequality across generations. And third, we argue that investigators need to bring historical, social and policy contexts into the heart of analyses: how does the education-health association vary across place and time, and how do political forces influence that variation?

During the past several generations, education has become the principal pathway to financial security, stable employment, and social success ( 8 ). At the same time, American youth have experienced increasingly unequal educational opportunities that depend on the schools they attend, the neighborhoods they live in, the color of their skin, and the financial resources of their family. The decline in manufacturing and rise of globalization have eroded the middle class, while the increasing returns to higher education magnified the economic gaps among working adults and families ( 107 ). In addition to these dramatic structural changes, policies that protected the welfare of vulnerable groups have been gradually eroded or dismantled ( 129 ). Together, these changes triggered a precipitous growth of economic and social inequalities in the American society ( 17 ; 106 ).

Unsurprisingly, health disparities grew hand in hand with the socio-economic inequalities. Although the average health of the US population improved over the past decades ( 67 ; 85 ), the gains largely went to the most educated groups. Inequalities in health ( 53 ; 77 ; 99 ) and mortality ( 86 ; 115 ) increased steadily, to a point where we now see an unprecedented pattern: health and longevity are deteriorating among those with less education ( 92 ; 99 ; 121 ; 143 ). With the current focus of the media, policymakers, and the public on the worrisome health patterns among less-educated Americans ( 28 ; 29 ), as well as the growing recognition of the importance of education for health ( 84 ), research on the health returns to education is at a critical juncture. A comprehensive research program is needed to understand how education and health are related, in order to identify effective points of intervention to improve population health and reduce disparities.

The article is organized in two parts. First, we review the current state of research on the relationship between education and health. In broad strokes, we summarize the theoretical and empirical foundations of the education-health relationship and critically assess the literature on the mechanisms and causal influence of education on health. In the second part, we highlight gaps in extant research and propose new directions for innovative research that will fill these gaps. The enormous breadth of the literature on education and health necessarily limits the scope of the review in terms of place and time; we focus on the United States and on findings generated during the rapid expansion of the education-health research in the past 10–15 years. The terms “education” and “schooling” are used interchangeably. Unless we state otherwise, both refer to attained education, whether measured in completed years or credentials. For references, we include prior review articles where available, seminal papers, and recent studies as the best starting points for further reading.

THE ASSOCIATION BETWEEN EDUCATION AND HEALTH

Conceptual toolbox for examining the association.

Researchers have generally drawn from three broad theoretical perspectives to hypothesize the relationship between education and health. Much of the education-health research over the past two decades has been grounded in the Fundamental Cause Theory ( 75 ). The FCT posits that social factors such as education are ‘fundamental’ causes of health and disease because they determine access to a multitude of material and non-material resources such as income, safe neighborhoods, or healthier lifestyles, all of which protect or enhance health. The multiplicity of pathways means that even as some mechanisms change or become less important, other mechanisms will continue to channel the fundamental dis/advantages into differential health ( 48 ). The Human Capital Theory (HCT), borrowed from econometrics, conceptualizes education as an investment that yields returns via increased productivity ( 12 ). Education improves individuals’ knowledge, skills, reasoning, effectiveness, and a broad range of other abilities, which can be utilized to produce health ( 93 ). The third approach, the Signaling or Credentialing perspective ( 34 ; 125 ) has been used to explain the observed large discontinuities in health at 12 or 16 years of schooling, typically associated with the receipt of a high school and college degrees, respectively. This perspective views earned credentials as a potent signal about one’s skills and abilities, and emphasizes the economic and social returns to such signals. Thus all three perspectives postulate a causal relationship between education and health and identify numerous mechanisms through which education influences health. The HCT specifies the mechanisms as embodied skills and abilities, FCT emphasizes the dynamism and flexibility of mechanisms, and credentialism identifies social responses to educational attainment. All three theoretical approaches, however, operationalize the complex process of schooling solely in terms of attainment and thus do not focus on differences in educational quality, type, or other institutional factors that might independently influence health. They also focus on individual-level factors: individual attainment, attainment effects, and mechanisms, and leave out the social context in which the education and health processes are embedded.

Observed associations between education and health

Empirically, hundreds of studies have documented “the gradient” whereby more schooling is linked with better health and longer life. A seminal 1973 book by Kitagawa and Hauser powerfully described large differences in mortality by education in the United States ( 71 ), a finding that has since been corroborated in numerous studies ( 31 ; 42 ; 46 ; 109 ; 124 ). In the following decades, nearly all health outcomes were also found strongly patterned by education. Less educated adults report worse general health ( 94 ; 141 ), more chronic conditions ( 68 ; 108 ), and more functional limitations and disability ( 118 ; 119 ; 130 ; 143 ). Objective measures of health, such as biological risk levels, are similarly correlated with educational attainment ( 35 ; 90 ; 140 ), showing that the gradient is not a function of differential reporting or knowledge.

The gradient is evident in men and women ( 139 ) and among all race/ethnic groups ( 36 ). However, meaningful group differences exist ( 60 ; 62 ; 91 ). In particular, education appears to have stronger health effects for women than men ( 111 ) and stronger effects for non-Hispanic whites than minority adults ( 134 ; 135 ) even if the differences are modest for some health outcomes ( 36 ). The observed variations may reflect systematic social differences in the educational process such as quality of schooling, content, or institutional type, as well as different returns to educational attainment in the labor market across population groups ( 26 ). At the same time, the groups share a common macro-level social context, which may underlie the gradient observed for all.

To illustrate the gradient, we analyzed 2002–2016 waves of the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) data from adults aged 25–64. Figure 1 shows the levels of three health outcomes across educational attainment levels in six major demographic groups predicted at age 45. Three observations are noteworthy. First, the gradient is evident for all outcomes and in all race/ethnic/gender groups. Self-rated health exemplifies the staggering magnitude of the inequalities: White men and women without a high school diploma have about 57% chance of reporting fair or poor health, compared to just 9% for college graduates. Second, there are major group differences as well, both in the predicted levels of health problems, as well as in the education effects. The latter are not necessarily visible in the figures but the education effects are stronger for women and weaker for non-white adults as prior studies showed (table with regression model results underlying the prior statement is available from the authors). Third, an intriguing exception pertains to adults with “some college,” whose health is similar to high school graduates’ in health outcomes other than general health, despite their investment in and exposure to postsecondary education. We discuss this anomaly below.

Predicted Probability of Health Problems

Source: 2002–2016 NHIS Survey, Adults Age 25–64

Pathways through which education impacts health

What explains the improved health and longevity of more educated adults? The most prominent mediating mechanisms can be grouped into four categories: economic, health-behavioral, social-psychological, and access to health care. Education leads to better, more stable jobs that pay higher income and allow families to accumulate wealth that can be used to improve health ( 93 ). The economic factors are an important link between schooling and health, estimated to account for about 30% of the correlation ( 36 ). Health behaviors are undoubtedly an important proximal determinant of health but they only explain a part of the effect of schooling on health: adults with less education are more likely to smoke, have an unhealthy diet, and lack exercise ( 37 ; 73 ; 105 ; 117 ). Social-psychological pathways include successful long-term marriages and other sources of social support to help cope with stressors and daily hassles ( 128 ; 131 ). Interestingly, access to health care, while important to individual and population health overall, has a modest role in explaining health inequalities by education ( 61 ; 112 ; 133 ), highlighting the need to look upstream beyond the health care system toward social factors that underlie social disparities in health. Beyond these four groups of mechanisms that have received the most attention by investigators, many others have been examined, such as stress, cognitive and noncognitive skills, or environmental exposures ( 11 ; 43 ). Several excellent reviews further discuss mechanisms ( 2 ; 36 ; 66 ; 70 ; 93 ).

Causal interpretation of the education-health association

A burgeoning number of studies used innovative approaches such as natural experiments and twin design to test whether and how education causally affects health. These analyses are essential because recommendations for educational policies, programs, and interventions seeking to improve population health hinge on the causal impact of schooling on health outcomes. Overall, this literature shows that attainment, measured mostly in completed years of schooling, has a causal impact on health across numerous (though not all) contexts and outcomes.

Natural experiments take advantage of external changes that affect attainment but are unrelated to health, such as compulsory education reforms that raise the minimum years of schooling within a given population. A seminal 2005 study focused on increases in compulsory education between 1915 and 1939 across US states and found that a year of schooling reduced mortality by 3.6% ( 78 ). A re-analysis of the data indicated that taking into account state-level mortality trends rendered the mortality effects null but it also identified a significant and large causal effect on general health ( 88 ). A recent study of a large sample of older Americans reported a similar pattern: a substantial causal effect of education for self-rated health but not for mortality ( 47 ). School reform studies outside the US have reported compelling ( 122 ) or modest but significant ( 32 ) effects of schooling on health, although some studies have found nonsignificant ( 4 ), or even negative effects ( 7 ) for a range of health outcomes.

Twin design studies compare the health of twins with different levels of education. This design minimizes the influence of family resources and genetic differences in skills and health, especially for monozygotic twins, and thus serves to isolate the effect of schooling. In the US, studies using this design generated robust evidence of a causal effect of education on self-rated health ( 79 ), although some research has identified only modest ( 49 ) or not significant ( 3 ; 55 ) effects for other physical and mental health outcomes. Studies drawing on the large twin samples outside of the US have similarly found strong causal effects for mortality ( 80 ) and health ( 14 ; 16 ; 51 ) but again some analyses yielded no causal effects on health ( 13 ; 83 ) or health behaviors ( 14 ). Beyond our brief overview, readers may wish consult additional comprehensive reviews of the causal studies ( 40 ; 45 ; 89 ).

The causal studies add valuable evidence that educational attainment impacts adult health and mortality, even considering some limitations to their internal validity ( 15 ; 88 ). To improve population health and reduce health disparities, however, they should be viewed as a starting point to further research. First, the findings do not show how to improve the quality of schooling or its quantity for in the aggregate population, or how to overcome systematic intergenerational and social differences in educational opportunities. Second, their findings do take into account contexts and conditions in which educational attainment might be particularly important for health. In fact, the variability in the findings may be attributable to the stark differences in contexts across the studies, which include countries characterized by different political systems, different population groups, and birth cohorts ranging from the late 19 th to late 20 th centuries that were exposed to education at very different stages of the educational expansion process ( 9 ).

TOWARD A SOCIALLY-EMBEDDED UNDERSTANDING OF THE EDUCATION-HEALTH RELATIONSHIP

To date, the extensive research we briefly reviewed above has identified substantial health benefits of educational attainment in most contexts in today’s high-income countries. Still, many important questions remain unanswered. We outline three critical directions to gain a deeper understanding of the education-health relationship with particular relevance for policy development. All three directions shift the education-health paradigm to consider how education and health are embedded in life course and social contexts.

First, nearly universally, the education-health literature conceptualizes and operationalizes education in terms of attainment, as years of schooling or completed credentials. However, attainment is only the endpoint, although undoubtedly important, of an extended and extensive process of formal schooling, where institutional quality, type, content, peers, teachers, and many other individual, institutional, and interpersonal factors shape lifecourse trajectories of schooling and health. Understanding the role of the schooling process in health outcome is relevant for policy because it can show whether interventions should be aimed at increasing attainment, or whether it is more important to increase quality, change content, or otherwise improve the educational process at earlier stages for maximum health returns. Second, most studies have implicitly or explicitly treated educational attainment as an exogenous starting point, a driver of opportunities in adulthood. However, education also functions to reproduce inequality across generations. The explicit recognition of the dual function of education is critical to developing education policies that would avoid unintended consequence of increasing inequalities. And third, the review above indicates substantial variation in the education-health association across different historical and social contexts. Education and health are inextricably embedded in these contexts and analyses should therefore include them as fundamental influences on the education-health association. Research on contextual variation has the potential to identify contextual characteristics and even specific policies that exacerbate or reduce educational disparities in health.

We illustrate the key conceptual components of future research into the education-health relationship in Figure 2 . Important intergenerational and individual socio-demographic factors shape educational opportunities and educational trajectories, which are directly related to and captured in measures of educational attainment. This longitudinal and life course process culminates in educational disparities in adult health and mortality. Importantly, the macro-level context underlies every step of this process, shaping each of the concepts and their relationships.

Enriching the conceptualization of educational attainment

In most studies of the education-health associations, educational attainment is modeled using years of schooling, typically specified as a continuous covariate, effectively constraining each additional year to have the same impact. A growing body of research has substituted earned credentials for years. Few studies, however, have considered how the impact of additional schooling is likely to differ across the educational attainment spectrum. For example, one additional year of education compared to zero years may be life-changing by imparting basic literacy and numeracy skills. The completion of 14 rather than 13 years (without the completion of associated degree) could be associated with better health through the accumulation of additional knowledge and skills as well, or perhaps could be without health returns, if it is associated with poor grades, stigma linked to dropping out of college, or accumulated debt ( 63 ; 76 ). Examining the functional form of the education-health association can shed light on how and why education is beneficial for health ( 70 ). For instance, studies found that mortality gradually declines with years of schooling at low levels of educational attainment, with large discontinuities at high school and college degree attainment ( 56 ; 98 ). Such findings can point to the importance of completing a degree, not just increasing the quantity (years) of education. Examining mortality, however, implicitly focused on cohorts who went to school 50–60 years ago, within very different educational and social contexts. For findings relevant to current education policies, we need to focus on examining more recent birth cohorts.

A particularly provocative and noteworthy aspect of the functional form is the attainment group often identified as “some college:” adults who attended college but did not graduate with a four-year degree. Postsecondary educational experiences are increasingly central to the lives of American adults ( 27 ) and college completion has become the minimum requirement for entry into middle class ( 65 ; 87 ). Among high school graduates, over 70% enroll in college ( 22 ) but the majority never earn a four-year degree ( 113 ). In fact,, the largest education-attainment group among non-elderly US adults comprises the 54 million adults (29% of total) with some college or associate’s degree ( 113 ). However, as in Figure 1 , this group often defies the standard gradient in health. Several recent studies have found that the health returns to their postsecondary investments are marginal at best ( 110 ; 123 ; 142 ; 144 ). This finding should spur new research to understand the outcomes of this large population group, and to glean insights into the health returns to the postsecondary schooling process. For instance, in the absence of earning a degree, is greater exposure to college education in terms of semesters or earned credits associated with better health or not? How do the returns to postsecondary schooling differ across the heterogeneous institutions ranging from selective 4-year to for-profit community colleges? How does accumulated college debt influence both dropout and later health? Can we identify circumstances under which some college education is beneficial for health? Understanding the health outcomes for this attainment group can shed light on the aspects of education that are most important for improving health.

A related point pertains to the reliability and validity of self-reported educational attainment. If a respondent reports 16 completed years of education, for example, are they carefully counting the number of years of enrollment, or is 16 shorthand for “completed college”? And, is 16 years the best indicator of college completion in the current context when the median time to earn a four-year degree exceeds 5 years ( 30 )? And, is longer time in college given a degree beneficial for health or does it signify delayed or disrupted educational pathways linked to weaker health benefits ( 132 )? How should we measure part-time enrollment? As studies begin to adjudicate between the health effects of years versus credentials ( 74 ) in the changing landscape of increasingly ‘nontraditional’ pathways through college ( 132 ), this measurement work will be necessary for unbiased and meaningful analyses. An in-depth understanding may necessitate primary data collection and qualitative studies. A feasible direction available with existing data such as the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 (NLSY97) is to assess earned college credits and grades rather than years of education beyond high school.

As indicated in Figure 2 , beyond a more in-depth usage of the attainment information, we argue that more effective conceptualization of the education-health relationship as a developmental life course process will lead to important findings. For instance, two studies published in 2016 used the NLSY97 data to model how gradual increases in education predict within-individual changes in health ( 39 ; 81 ). Both research teams found that gradual accumulation of schooling quantity over time was not associated with gradual improvements in health. The investigators interpreted the null findings as an absence of causal effects of education on health, especially once they included important confounders (defined as cognitive and noncognitive skills and social background). Alternatively, perhaps the within-individual models did not register health because education is a long-term, developing trajectory that cannot be reduced to point-in-time changes in exposure. Criticisms about the technical aspects of theses studies notwithstanding ( 59 ), we believe that these studies and others like them, which wrestle with the question of how to capture education as a long-term process grounded in the broader social context, and how this process is linked to adult health, are desirable and necessary.

Education as (re)producer of inequality

The predominant theoretical framework for studying education and health focuses on how education increases skills, improves problem-solving, enhances employment prospects, and thus opens access to other resources. In sociology, however, education is viewed not (only) as increasing human capital but as a “sieve more than a ladder” ( 126 ), an institution that reproduces inequality across generations ( 54 ; 65 ; 103 ; 114 ). The mechanisms of the reproduction of inequality are multifarious, encompassing systematic differences in school resources, quality of instruction, academic opportunities, peer influences, or teacher expectations ( 54 ; 114 ; 132 ). The dual role of education, both engendering and constraining social opportunities, has been recognized from the discipline’s inception ( 52 ) and has remained the dominant perspective in sociology of education ( 18 ; 126 ). Health disparities research, which has largely dismissed the this perspective as “specious” ( 93 ), could benefit from pivoting toward this complex sociological paradigm.

As demonstrated in Figure 2 , parental SES and other background characteristics are key social determinants that set the stage for one’s educational experiences ( 20 ; 120 ). These characteristics, however, shape not just attainment, but the entire educational and social trajectories that drive and result in particular attainment ( 21 ; 69 ). Their effects range from the differential quality and experiences in daycare or preschool settings ( 6 ), K-12 education ( 24 ; 136 ), as well as postsecondary schooling ( 5 ; 127 ). As a result of systematically different experiences of schooling over the early life course stratified by parental SES, children of low educated parents are unlikely to complete higher education: over half of individuals with college degrees by age 24 came from families in the top quartile of family income compared to just 10% in the bottom quartile ( 23 ).

Unfortunately, prior research has generally operationalized the differences in educational opportunities as confounders of the education-health association or as “selection bias” to be statistically controlled, or best as a moderating influence ( 10 ; 19 ). Rather than remove the important life course effects from the equation, studies that seek to understand how educational and health differences unfold over the life course, and even across generations could yield greater insight ( 50 ; 70 ). A life course, multigenerational approach can provide important recommendations for interventions seeking to avoid the unintended consequence of increasing disparities. Insofar as socially advantaged individuals are generally better positioned to take advantage of interventions, research findings can be used to ensure that policies and programs result in decreasing, rather than unintentionally widening, educational and health disparities.

Education and health in social context

Finally, perhaps the most important and policy-relevant emerging direction to improving our understanding of the education-health relationship is to view both as inextricably embedded within the broad social context. As we highlight in Figure 2 , this context underlies every feature of the development of educational disparities in health. In contrast to the voluminous literature focusing on individual-level schooling and health, there has been a “startling lack of attention to the social/political/economic context” in which the relationships are grounded ( 33 ). By context, we mean the structure of a society that varies across time and place, encompassing all major institutions, policy environments, as well as gender, race/ethnicity, age, and socioeconomic stratification. Under what circumstances, conditions, and policies are the associations between education and health stronger or weaker?

Within the United States, the most relevant units of geo-political boundaries generating distinct policy contexts are states, although smaller geographic units are also pertinent ( 44 ; 100 ). Since the 1980s, the federal government has devolved an increasing range of key socioeconomic, political, and health-care decisions to states. This decentralization has resulted in increasing diversity across states in conditions for a healthy life ( 96 ; 101 ). A recent study demonstrates how different environments across US states yield vastly different health returns to education ( 100 ). State-level characteristics had little impact on adults with high education, whose disability levels were similarly low regardless of their state of residence. In contrast, disability levels of low-educated adults were not only high but also varied substantially across states: disability was particularly high in states that have invested less in the social welfare of its residents, such as Mississippi, Kentucky, and West Virginia. Highly-educated adults, particularly white adults and men who can convert education into other resources most readily, use personal resources to protect their health like a ‘personal firewall’ ( 97 ). Their less-educated peers, meanwhile, are vulnerable without social safety nets. Demonstrating the potential for informing policy in this area, the findings directly identify state policies that influence the extent to which educational attainment matters for health and longevity. These include economic policies including state income tax structures and education expenditures per capita, as well as policies influencing social cohesion in a state, such as income inequality and unemployment rates. Beyond the US, investigators can leverage differences in political systems across countries to assess the impact of different welfare regimes on the education-health associations, as some European researchers began generating ( 41 ; 82 ).

Similar to variation across geo-political boundaries, research on variation across time can highlight policies and conditions that mitigate or inflate health disparities. How has the education-health association changed over time? In recent decades, the association has become increasingly strong, with widening disparities in health outcomes across education ( 53 ; 77 ; 86 ; 116 ; 143 ). These increases started in the 1980s ( 17 ) at the same time that social inequality began rising with the political embrace of pro-market neoliberal policies ( 33 ). Since then, the United States has been increasingly marked by plummeting economic wellbeing (except for the wealthiest Americans), growing economic segregation, emerging mass incarceration, downward social mobility, and despair in many working-class communities ( 17 ; 95 ; 129 ). Conversely, in the two decades prior (1960s and 70s), social disparities in health were decreasing ( 1 ; 72 ). During those decades, many pro-social policies such as Civil rights legislation, War on Poverty programs, and racial desegregation were improving social inequalities. Macro-level political forces, clearly, can influence not only social but also health inequalities ( 104 ). Two facts follow: growing disparities are not inevitable and changes in the education-health relationship may be strongly linked to social policies. While some of the growth in educational inequalities may be attributable to changes in educational composition of the population with increasingly negatively select groups of adults at the lowest levels of schooling, these compositional changes likely play only a minor role in the overall trends ( 38 ; 58 ). Linking education and health to the broader social context brings to the forefront the ways in which we, as individuals and a collective society, produce and maintain health disparities.

Implications for Policy and Practice

Reducing macro-level inequalities in health will require macro-level interventions. Technological progress and educational expansion over the past several decades have not decreased disparities; on the contrary, educational disparities in health and mortality have grown in the US. Moreover, the consistent, durable relationship between education and health and the multitude of mechanisms linking them suggests that programs targeting individual behaviors will have limited impact to counteract disparities. Thus, we argue that future findings from the new research directions proposed here can be used to intervene at the level of social contexts to alter educational trajectories from an early age, with the ultimate goal of reducing health disparities. We note two promising avenues for policy development.

One potential solution may focus on universal federal and state-level investment in the education and well-being of children early in the life course to disrupt the reproduction of social inequalities and change subsequent educational trajectories. Several experimental early-education programs such as the Perry Preschool Project and Carolina Abecedarian Project have demonstrated substantial, lasting, and wide-ranging benefits, including improved adult health ( 25 ; 57 ; 102 ). These programs provided intensive, exceptionally high-quality, and diverse services to children, and it is these characteristics that appear central to their success ( 138 ). Further research on the qualitative and social dimensions of education and their effects on health can inform future model educational programs and interventions across all ages.

Another important issue for both researchers and policymakers pertains to postsecondary enrollment and attrition, and their effects on health. Educational expansion in the college-for-all era has yielded high post-secondary enrollment, but also unacceptable dropout rates with multiple detrimental consequences, including high rates of student debt ( 64 ) and stigma ( 76 ), which may negatively affect health. Emerging studies found that college dropouts fail to benefit from their postsecondary investments. Next we need to understand under what circumstances college goers do reap health benefits, or how their postsecondary experience can be modified to improve their health.

For both of these avenues, effective implementation will need further research on the specific institutional characteristics and social contexts that shape the schooling effects. However, in designing interventions and policies, we need to be aware of the dual role of education as a drive and reproducer of inequality. Individuals from advantaged backgrounds may be better positioned to take advantage of new educational opportunities, and thus any interventions and programs need to ensure that marginalized populations have equal or greater access in order to avoid the unintended consequence of further intensifying disparities. Finally, researchers and policymakers should engage in a dialogue such that researchers effectively communicate their insights and recommendations to policymakers, and policymakers convey the needs and challenges of their practices to researchers.

Education and health are central to individual and population well-being. They are also inextricably embedded in the social context and structure. Future research needs to expand beyond the individual-focused analyses and hypothesize upstream ( 96 ), taking a contextual approach to understanding education and health. Such an approach will require interdisciplinary collaborations, innovations in conceptual models, and rich data sources. The three directions for further research on health returns to education we outlined above can help generate findings that will inform effective educational and health policies and interventions to reduce disparities. During this critical time when health differences are widening and less educated Americans are experiencing social and health declines, research and policy has the opportunity to make a difference and improve the health and well-being of our population.

Contributor Information

Anna Zajacova, Western University.

Elizabeth M. Lawrence, University of North Carolina.

Social-Class Inequality in Educational Attainment and Participation in England

• Mary Bourne
• Social Statistics

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Education Dissertation Topics

Published by Grace Graffin at January 5th, 2023 , Revised On May 17, 2024

Introduction

Education as a subject helps in understanding the various learning approaches and different types of education. When you choose education as your major subject, you will be expected to develop a critical understanding of the issues surrounding education.

To choose an education dissertation topic, you can look into a wide array of topics, including public school education, holistic education, the role of ethnicity, gender and class on academic achievements, adult education, preschool and primary school education, college and university education, child development, distance learning, politics and policy in education, teacher education, and curriculum.

To help you get started with brainstorming for education topic ideas, we have developed a list of the latest topics that can be used for writing your education dissertation.

These topics have been developed by PhD-qualified writers of our team , so you can trust them to use them when drafting your dissertation.

You may also want to start your dissertation by requesting  a brief research proposal  from our writers on any of these topics, which includes an  introduction  to the topic,  research question ,  aim and objectives ,  literature review along the proposed  methodology  of research to be conducted.  Let us know  if you need any help in getting started.

Check our  dissertation examples  to get an idea of  how to structure your dissertation .

Review the full list of  dissertation topics here.

Topic 1: Investigating the impact of COVID-19 on the learning experience of the students

Research Aim: The research aims to evaluate the impact of COVID-19 on the learning experience of the students.

Objectives:

• To analyse the impact of Covid-19 on education delivery across schools.
• To evaluate the impact of the pandemic on teaching delivery and learning outcomes of the students.
• To investigate how the pandemic affected the learning experience of the students

Topic 2: An analysis of the impact of classroom interaction and participation on the personality development and confidence of the students.

Research Aim: The aim of the research is to analyse the impact of classroom interaction and participation on the personality development and confidence of the students.

• To analyse the importance of classroom interaction for the students and how it contributes to personal development.
• To investigate the impact of classroom participation on the confidence of the students.
• To evaluate how classroom interaction and participation impact the personality development and confidence of the students.

Topic 3: The potential use of virtual reality for educational assessment of the students.

Research Aim: The research aims to analyse the potential use of virtual reality for the educational assessment of students.

• To analyse the technologies available for student assessment across higher educational institutions.
• To evaluate the role of virtual reality in education delivery and assessment.
• To investigate how virtual reality influences the educational assessment of students to improvet their learning experience and knowledge.

Topic 4: An evaluation of the impact of the rising cost of academic education on students of lower-income backgrounds in the UK.

Research Aim: The aim of the research is to evaluate the impact of the rising cost of academic education on students of lower-income backgrounds in the UK.

• To analyse the factors impacting the affordability of higher education in the UK.
• To understand the challenges of lower-income background students in the UK.
• To investigate the impact of the rising cost of academic education on the lower-income background students in the UK and how the meritorious students can be supported.

Topic 5: An investigation into the impact of interactions among students of multiple ethnicities on the cross-cultural communication and behaviour of the pupils.

Research Aim: The aim of the research is to investigate the impact of interactions among students of multiple ethnicities on cross-cultural communication and pupil behaviourt .

• To analyse the impact of student interactions among different ethnicities.
• To determine the importance of cross-cultural communication and tolerance of the students.
• To examine the impact of interactions among students of multiple ethnicities on the cross-cultural communication and behaviour of the pupils.

Dissertation Topics in Education Dynamics

Topic 1: the need to use information and communication technology to study in public institutions in any country of your choice. a reflection on the impact of covid-19 on the education sector in the chosen country..

Research Aim: This research will focus on the lack of good information and communication technology equipment in public institutions of study and the need to find the education sector to meet the new standard of learning in work. It will also analyse the pandemic’s impact on students in public institutions at home throughout the pandemic without any academic activities.

Topic 2: The fear of maintaining social distancing in schools

Research Aim: This research aims to evaluate the fear of maintaining social distancing in schools. It will also suggest possible solutions to minimise the fear of parents, educators, and students.

Topic 3: Online Education- Increased screen time or quality education

Research Aim: This research aims to identify whether online education exposes students to increased screen time or quality education.

Topic 4: The emergence of coding courses for young children and their cognitive development and age. A comparative study.

Research Aim: This research aims to identify how far coding education is beneficial for children. What sort of positive and negative consequences are concerned with the future of young children with their access to such kind of advanced technology?

Topic 5: Data science and growing opportunities for data scientists

Research Aim: This research will focus on identifying the emergence of degrees and courses in data science, their importance, and growing opportunities for data scientists. Who can become a data scientist? What is its career scope?

Covid-19 Education Topics 

Impacts of coronavirus on education.

Research Aim: This study aims to review the impacts of Coronavirus on education.

Online educational programs to educate students during COVID-19

Research Aim: The widespread Coronavirus pandemic and the lockdown have disrupted the education of many students, including school, college, and university levels. This study will identify the online programs offered through various platforms, schools, colleges, and universities. It will discuss how students can have access to these courses and how it will benefit them.

Impact of COVID-19 on educational institutes

Research Aim: This study will focus on identifying the impacts of COVID-19 on educational institutes. What steps can be taken to ensure a safe environment for the students and teaching staff?

Role of teachers and professors during the Coronavirus pandemic.

Research Aim: This study will focus on the contribution of teachers, professors, and institutions in providing education. What challenges are they facing? What would be the possible ways to improve the current education system?

The future of education post Coronavirus pandemic.

Research Aim: This study will collect information about current education methods during the pandemic and predict the future of education after the coronavirus pandemic.

Topic C1: How the Coronavirus pandemic is reshaping education?

Research Aim: Coronavirus has offered a stark reminder of the very human nature of schools. Students have leapt into online learning but cannot wait to get back into her building. Being online, I don’t think you really get a true sense of whether a student is really engaged and has a proper understanding. This study will aim to understand the extent to which the coronavirus pandemic is reshaping education.

Topic C2: How Coronavirus could affect the well-being of people with intellectual disabilities

Research Aim: We are all feeling more anxious than usual. We may be worried about accessing food and services, going to work, enduring self-isolation, or catching COVID-19. While some anxiety is normal, some of us may be more resilient to changes in our routines and the general uncertainty the world is experiencing. But for the 1.5 million people in the UK with an intellectual disability, these effects may be much greater. This research will aim to establish how Coronavirus could affect the wellbeing of people with intellectual disabilities.

Topic C3: The impact of the 2019–20 Coronavirus pandemic on education

Research Aim: The 2019–20 Coronavirus pandemic has affected educational systems worldwide, leading to the widespread closures of schools and universities. As of 28 March 2020, over 1.7 billion learners were out of school due to school closures in response to COVID-19. According to UNESCO monitoring, over 100 countries have implemented nationwide closures, impacting nearly 90% of the world’s student population. This research will explore the impact of the 2019–20 Coronavirus pandemic on education.

Topic C4: What actions are being taken by universities in response to Coronavirus?

Research Aim: We have seen a growing number of decisions by universities to start implementing social distancing strategies, such as moving to more online teaching delivery and increasing homework by staff. At present, there is no government advice to universities about this. Therefore any operational decision by individual universities must be based on their local circumstances, which vary for various reasons. This research will examine some of the measures we see across the universities in response to the pandemic.

Topic C5: The impact of Coronavirus on international students and the response from universities

Research Aim: This research will explore the impact of Coronavirus on international students and the response from universities.

The Best Education Dissertation Topics

Topic 1: a comparison of wonderlic tests and standardised tests as means to assess academic performance..

Research Aim: Although there are many techniques and methods for assessing academic performance, this research will focus on the comparative analysis of Wonderlic and standardised tests. In the end, the research will conclude which approach would be better in different academic situations.

Topic 2: The theory and practice of educational games as a means to promote better learning.

Research Aim: In recent times, many pieces of research have focused on identifying different learning approaches to provide quality education. This research will analyse the concept of educational games for young children to promote and improve the learning mechanisms.

Topic 3: The impact of learning ability of a child: A case study of kindergarten students

Research Aim: With the emergence of technological advancements, many organisations, including education institutes, have started embracing innovative technologies. The main purpose of these advancements is to improvise the different ways of education. This research will focus on how the use of smart technology has improved the learning ability of kindergarten students.

Topic 4: Comparing and analysing the teaching approaches and mechanisms of privately owned schools and public school: Case of developing countries

Research Aim: Due to the rise of capitalist economies, many institutions have developed unique mechanisms to improve business operations and sales. The same is the case with educational institutes. However, the teaching mechanism and approach for private schools have been more effective than public schools. Therefore, this research will critically analyse the teaching approaches and mechanisms of privately owned schools and public schools and compare and analyse their teaching approaches.

Topic 5: Analysing the current curricular development of K12 students and how it can be linked with current economic issues

Research Aim: It has been found that the curriculum of the majority of educational institutes has become obsolete and monotonous. In other words, students are not being taught current affairs and the latest knowledge with respect to technology, etc. Therefore, the main aim of this research will be to analyse the current curricular development of K12 students and how it can be moulded to reflect the true economic conditions and issues of society.

Early Childhood Education Dissertation Topics

Early childhood education in the UK and many other countries refers to any form of education that children between 2 and 6 years obtain. Some early childhood education dissertation topics are listed below:

Topic 6: The effectiveness and implementation of early childhood education curriculum interventions

Research Aim: This research will discuss how effective curriculum interventions have been in early childhood education and how they can be effectively implemented.

Topic 7: Linking theory to practice and back again: The use of collaborative enquiry and video documentation to facilitate critical thinking in preservice teacher education

Research Aim: This research will provide theoretical and practical evidence to establish how collaboration inquiry and video documentation effectively affect critical thinking in preservice education.

Topic 8: Improving early childhood literacy development and English education through the use of multiple media tools

Research Aim: This research will analyse how effective medical tools are in early childhood education.

Topic 9: Supporting emergent literacy at the preschool level through the use of technology.

Research Aim: This research will present how supportive technology can be for emergent literacy at the preschool level.

Topic 10: Merging multimodality, technology, and literacy in the era of kindergarten digital storytelling

Research Aim: This research will explore the effectiveness of multimodality, literacy, and technology in today’s era of kindergarten storytelling.

Topic 11: Computer-based reading program with at-risk pre-kindergarten students

Research Aim: This research will discuss how computer-based reading programs are at risk with pre-kindergarten students.

Topic 12: Pre-school educational settings and the nature of children’s leadership

Research Aim: This research will analyse how educational settings in preschool help develop leadership skills in children.

Topic 13: How urban students’ academic accomplishments can be influenced by a school district’s preschool education policies

Research Aim: This research will discuss the academic accomplishments of children and how educational policies influence them.

Topic 14: Investigating the relationship between kindergarten achievement and classroom quality

Research Aim: This study will investigate the relationship between kindergarten students’ achievement and education quality.

Topic 15: Creating efficient learning environments to facilitate the process of early childhood education

Research Aim: This research will understand the learning environments that facilitate the process of childhood education.

Elementary Education Dissertation Topics

In the United Kingdom and other developed regions of the world, elementary education is the first level of compulsory education that children between the ages of 6 and 13 years obtain.

Primary or elementary education helps establish history, geography, mathematics, science, and other social sciences. In some countries, basic sexual education is also part of the elementary education curriculum. Some important primary education issues to explore are listed below:

Topic 16: Establishing the factors inhibiting and enhancing elementary school children’s creativity

Research Aim: This research will discuss the factors that help enhance children’s creativity in elementary school.

Topic 17: Developing life skills in elementary school pupils in the United Kingdom (or any other country of your choice)

Research Aim: This research will explore how life skills are developed in elementary school in the UK. (Country can be changed according to your choosing)

Topic 18: Monitoring and evaluating instruction in private elementary schools in China from the perspective of headteachers and teachers.

Topic 19: including children with special educational needs in a mainstream elementary educational institute – a case study of any elementary school.

Research Aim: This research will discuss inclusive education, i.e. including special needs students in elementary school. You are free to choose the school of your choice.

Topic 20: Implementing inclusive education in elementary/primary schools in Australia – The challenges and opportunities

Research Aim: This research will discuss the challenges and opportunities of implementing inclusive education in Australian elementary schools.

Topic 21: Classroom evaluation in England – Teachers’ practices and perceptions in Maths

Research Aim: This research will evaluate a typical classroom in England. It will assess the practices adopted by math teachers in elementary school.

Topic 22: Integrating outdoor learning activities with elementary curriculum in the United Kingdom

Research Aim: This research will analyse the results of integrating outdoor learning activities with curriculum activities.

Topic 23: Investigating the use of technology in elementary school physical education

Research Aim: This research will investigate and analyse the use of technology in elementary school physical education.

Topic 24: Investigating the impact of the age of information on current courses taught in primary school

Research Aim: This research will investigate the impact of information on courses taught in primary school.

Topic 25: Should primary schools allow their students to study more independently to achieve improved performance?

Research Aim: This research will assess whether elementary school students should be allowed to study independently and its impacts.

Read More About   Elementary Education / Primary Education

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Secondary Education Dissertation Topics

Secondary school education primarily covers formal education obtained by pupils between 13 and 18 years. Secondary education is compulsory in most countries, including the United Kingdom, and it may be taught in the form of Ordinary Levels, Advanced Levels, and SSC and HSC exams.

There is a wide array of research areas to be explored in this field of study, and any of the following research topics could be selected for your education dissertation.

Topic 26: Investigating the impact of teacher education on secondary education in the European Union

Research Aim: This research will investigate how secondary education in the EU is impacted by teacher education.

Topic 27: Investigating the impact of secondary school dual enrolment course participation on pupils’ academic accomplishments

Research Aim: This research will investigate the impact of dual course enrolment and its impact on academic accomplishments in secondary school.

Topic 28: The role of sustainability in learning and teaching in secondary schools to transform the soul of education

Research Aim: This study will explore the role of sustainable learning and teaching in secondary school, and it helps transform the soul of education.

Topic 29: Investigating secondary school teachers’ thinking in a professional development project

Research Aim: This research will analyse the teachers’ thinking with the help of a professional development project.

Topic 30: Betraying the college dream: How student aspirations are undermined by the disconnected post-secondary and K-12 education systems

Research Aim: The post-secondary schooling and K-12 education systems are misaligned. Thus, this research will investigate how this adversely impacts students, and as a result, more and more students are giving up on their college dreams.

Topic 31: Analysing supply & demand in light of the rising cost of secondary education

Research Aim: This research will assess and analyse the rising cost of education and its impact on the supply and demand for education.

Topic 32: To study the use of instructional and information technologies in teacher training in secondary schools and colleges in the United Kingdom

Research Aim: This research will study the use of technologies in teacher training and how they impact secondary education in the UK.

Topic 33: Should secondary school teachers emphasise today’s demanding issues such as energy conservation, sustainability, and environmental protection?

Research Aim: This research will study whether or not teachers should emphasise current issues like energy preservation, sustainability, and environmental protection.

Topic 34: How can religious and racial tolerance increase among pupils by reintroducing religious education in the secondary schooling system?

Research Aim: This research will explore whether introducing religious education in secondary education helps decrease religious and racial intolerance.

Topic 35: To investigate the benefits of teaching business management and entrepreneurship-related courses to secondary school students over social science courses.

Research Aim:  This research will study the uses and benefits of teaching business management and entrepreneurship at the secondary schooling level.  Read More About   Secondary Education

Higher Education Dissertation Topics

Higher education or college/university education covers the formal education available to college, undergraduate and postgraduate students. Some interesting higher education dissertation topics are listed below.

Topic 36: International mobility of graduate and undergraduate students of mathematics, engineering, technology and science; Push and Pull Factors

Research Aim: This research will study and analyse the push and pull factors that impact the graduate and undergraduate students’ choice of university.

Topic 37: International graduate students and their decisions to stay or leave the US; The decisive factors

Research Aim: This study will explore the factors that lead students to decide whether they should stay or leave their universities in the US.

Topic 38: Aligning higher education to labour market requirements in the UK

Research Aim: This research will assess whether higher education in the UK should be aligned with the labour  market requirements or not.

Topic 39: Internationalisation drivers, obstacles and rationales: A case study of any higher education institute in the UK

Research Aim: This research will analyse the internationalisation drivers, obstacles, and rationales of higher education institutes in the UK.

Topic 40: An investigation into the governance systems of academic planning in both private and public sector higher education institutes

Research Aim: This research will investigate the governance systems of academic planning in both, private and public higher education institutes.

Topic 41: Higher education system: Should all universities follow the same education pattern?

Research Aim: This research will explore whether every university should follow the same educational pattern.

Topic 42: Evaluating teaching quality in higher education schools from students’ perspective

Research Aim: This research will evaluate the performance of teachers based on students’ perspectives. Suggestions will be provided as to how it should be improved.

Topic 43: Identify the factors affecting student mobility in Europe – The quality aspect

Research Aim: This research will explore the factors that impact student mobility in Europe.

Topic 44: Assessing and Evaluating the Impact of Hiring, Firing and Retiring Professors in Higher Education System on Students

Research Aim: This research will evaluate the various impacts of hiring, firing and retiring professors in the higher education system on students.

Topic 45: Do university graduates perform better than those who do not obtain formal education but have practical work experience?

Research Aim: This research will evaluate and assess the performance of two sets of students. First, university graduates, second, will be those who have no formal education but have practical work experience.  Also Read:   Fashion and Culture Dissertation Topics

Teaching Method Dissertation Topics

The role of primary, secondary or higher education teachers is highly important, particularly considering the ever-increasing need to provide a growth-oriented academic environment to students. Some interesting teaching method dissertation research topics are listed below.

Topic 46: The influence of teaching methods on students’ academic success and achievements

Research Aim: This research will explore the influence of teaching methods on students’ academic success and achievements.

Topic 47: A Transactional Method to Learning and Teaching in an English Language Arts Methodologies Conference

Research Aim: This study will explore the transactional learning and teaching method in an English language arts methodologies conference.

Topic 48: How the effect of constructivist teaching methods can largely influence the algebraic understanding of primary and secondary school students

Research Aim: This research will understand how constructivist teaching methods affect primary and secondary school students.

Topic 49: Student learning of DNA and the effect of teaching methods

Research Aim: This research will study the impact of various teaching methods on students.

Topic 50: Teaching English through conventional and direct approaches – A qualitative study

Research Aim: This will be a qualitative study that will help assess the teaching of English as a subject through direct and conventional approaches.

Topic 51: Investigating the relationships of teachers’ pedagogical beliefs, knowledge and efficiency: A multimethod approach

Research Aim: This research will investigate the relationship between teachers’ pedagogical beliefs, efficiency, and knowledge.

Topic 52: Exploring the benefits of employing the Socratic methodology as an approach to learning

Research Aim: This research will investigate the benefits of the Socratic method of learning approach.

Topic 53: The benefits of introducing mathematics software to higher education mathematics teachers

Research Aim: This study will explore the benefits of introducing mathematics software to higher education math teachers.

Topic 54: The increasing importance of teachers training taking into consideration various threats to students such as weapons and drugs

Research Aim: This research will understand the importance of teachers’ training with respect to threats such as drugs and weapons.

Topic 55: Are the teachers more prone to violence at the hands of their students as compared to the past: How the profession of teaching has evolved over the last twenty years

Research Aim: Purpose: This research will compare the teaching profession in the past twenty years and will conclude on how it has changed.  Read More About:   Teaching Methods in the UK

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Education Leadership and Policy Studies Dissertation Topics

The role of leadership, politics, and policies cannot be overlooked. Education leadership and policy studies have two main roots, including organisational theory and political science. This may be an interesting area of research for your educational dissertation.

Topic 56: Implementing educational change in failing middle schools through examination of one’s fundamental leadership procedures and processes

Research Aim: This research will explore the impact of implementing educational change in failing middle schools by examining leadership procedures at the institutes.

Topic 57: Historical background and development of co-curricular transcripts

Research Aim: This research will date back to history and explore how co-curricular transcripts were developed, and will compare them to today’s processes.

Topic 58: Evaluating the self-efficiency of high-performing first-generation university students

Research Aim: This research will evaluate the self-efficiency of high performing university students.

Topic 59: The influence of spiritual growth on leadership development of college and university students

Research Aim: This research will explore the influence of spiritual growth on the leadership skills development of university students.

Topic 60: The peril and power of globalisation: The Higher education, the World Bank, and the Global Knowledge Economy

Research Aim: This research will focus on the globalisation aspect of education and will talk about how it has been impacted.

Topic 61: The self-reported impact of instructional coaching on middle school teachers’ practices

Research Aim: This research will investigate the impact of instructional coaching on middle school teachers’ practices.

Topic 62: An investigation into the policies designed to address bullying in schools of the UK: The beliefs, opinions and perceptions of teachers and principals

Research Aim: This research will explore in-depth the policies that are designed to address and eliminate bullying in UK schools.

Topic 63: Investigating the causes of under-representation of black students in advanced placement courses in the USA

Research Aim: This research will explore the racial issues in the educational system of the US, i.e. underrepresentation of black students.

Topic 64: Lecture note-taking skills of adolescents with and without learning disabilities

Research Aim: This research will understand the note-taking skills of adolescents and how they differ with respect to learning.

Topic 65: A qualitative study to evaluate the educational policies in the UK

Research Aim:  This study will assess and evaluate the various educational policies in the UK.  Read More About:  Courses About International Education Leadership And Policy

Adult Education Dissertation Topics

Vocation-based or professional adult education has gained tremendous popularity in the academic world over the last couple of decades. Here is a wide range of research topics within this field of study to base your dissertation on.

Topic 66: Investing social and personal benefits and costs of basic adult education from students’ perspective

Research Aim: This research will investigate the social and personal benefits and costs of basic adult education.

Topic 67: The perception of adult learners regarding their satisfaction with their educational experiences

Research Aim: This research will explore the perception of adult learners regarding their educational experiences.

Topic 68: Use of bounded agency approach to promoting participation in adult education programmes

Research Aim: This research will discuss the bounded agency approach to promote participation in adult education programs.

Topic 69: A psychoanalytic investigation to explore adult teaching and learning theory

Research Aim: This research will conduct a psychoanalytic investigation in order to explore adult teaching and learning.

Topic 70: Comparing the perception of adult learners in face-to-face and online courses

Research Aim: This research will compare the perception of adult learners in online and face to face courses.

Topic 71: Use of Hatcher-Assagioli Synthesis to analyse practices, principles, and goals for community-based adult education

Research Aim: This research will utilise Hatcher Assagioli Synthesis to analyse community-based education practices, principles, and goals.

Topic 72: A review of the UK government spending on adult education over the last two decades

Research Aim: This research will review the UK government’s spending on adult education for two decades.

Topic 73: The relationship between unemployment and government funding for adult education – A quantitative analysis

Research Aim: This research will explore the relationship between government funding and unemployment for adult education.

Topic 74: The impact of entrepreneurship, wealth building and personal finance-related courses in adult education

Research Aim: This study will study the impact of courses like entrepreneurship, personal finance et. For adult education.

Topic 75: Frequent career changes over working life and the increasing importance of adult education in today’s world

Research Aim: This research will assess the importance of adult education and how it influences students to change their career choices frequently.

Private School Education Dissertation Topics

Private schools have become a large profit-making industry in both the developed and developing world. More and more parents want to send their children to private schools even though the expenses associated with private education are constantly on the rise. Following are some suggestions for your education dissertation research:

Topic 76: Evaluating the effectiveness of management in private schools in the UAE

Research Aim: This research will evaluate the effectiveness of private school management in the UAE.

Topic 77: To study the level of cooperation between home schools, public schools and private schools in the United Kingdom

Research Aim: This research will explore the cooperation level in home schools, and private and public schools in the UK.

Topic 78: A qualitative analysis to determine the causes of why parents choose to send their children to private schools in South Asian countries

Research Aim: This research will conduct qualitative analysis to determine why parents send their children to private schools in Asia.

Topic 79: Investigating the policies concerning the fee structure of private schools in Shanghai

Research Aim: This research will investigate the various policies that concern the fee structure of private Shanghai schools.

Topic 80: An empirical analysis of the impacts of the universal primary education policies on educational performances in South Asia

Research Aim: This research will conduct an empirical analysis to understand the impact of universal primary education policies on educational performance in the South Asian region.

Topic 81: Use of information technology and teaching tools in private schools in the UK

Research Aim: This research will explore the use of technology in private schools and assess its effectiveness.

Topic 82: Schooling for money – The Impact of the Profit motive on Swiss Educational Reform

Research Aim: This research will study the Swiss educational reform and its impact on the system.

Topic 83: Challenges and experiences of children with disabilities in private schools in India

Research Aim: This research will evaluate the challenges and experiences of children with disabilities in Indian schools.

Topic 84: Why are private school students considered to have the edge over public schools – A qualitative study

Research Aim: This will be a qualitative study on why private school students are preferred over public school students.

Topic 85: Emphasis on personality formation and character in private schools – Are private school students more competitive than public school students?

Research Aim:  This research will study the personality formation and character building of private school students.  Read More About   Private School Fee Increase for First Time.

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Public School Education Dissertation Topics

Most schools in the developed world are publicly funded, offering elementary, secondary, and higher education. There is a wide array of topics of research under this field of study that can be explored. Some of them are suggested below:

Exploring the Funding of Public Schools – How they can be improved. This research will explore the ways through which public schools are funded and will study what can be done to improve them.

Topic 86: Investigating the impact of teacher leadership in public schools in the UK

Research Aim: This research will study the impact of teacher leadership in UK public schools.

Topic 87: Is it true that public schools are better able to prepare their students to face the challenges of the real world as compared to private schools

Research Aim: This research will explore a common misconception that public school students are better prepared to face real-world challenges than private school students.

Topic 88: Can publicly-funded religious schools help to counter radicalisation and terrorism?

Research Aim: This study will explore an important topic, i.e. can terrorism and radicalisation be countered with public funding of schools.

Topic 89: Encouraging values and morals in the younger generation by reintroducing religious education in public schools in the UK

Research Aim: This research will study how reintroducing religious education help encourage values and morals in the younger generation in the UK.

Topic 90: Healthy eating habits and the role of public schools offering courses such as meal choice, cooking and home economics

Research Aim: This research will explore the benefits of cooking and home economic courses and promote healthy eating.

Topic 91: How public school students can be encouraged to participate in sporting activities?

Research Aim: This research will assess how public school students can be encouraged to participate in sporting activities.

Topic 92: The perception of special education administrators on the use of paraprofessionals in the education of students with disabilities

Topic 93: the perception of special education administrators on the use of paraprofessionals in the education of students with disabilities.

Research Aim: This research will discuss special education administrators and how they help offer quality education to disabled students.

Topic 94: Educating students with disabilities and the beliefs of public school principals

Research Aim: This research will explore the beliefs of public school principals and how these beliefs help offer quality education to disabled students.

Topic 95: Advanced teaching tools in public school classrooms – How they Help Improve Quality Education

Research Aim:  This research will explore how quality education is provided by implementing innovative technology in classrooms.

Read More About   Public Schools in the UK

Home Schooling Dissertation Topics

Homeschooling is a highly growing educational phenomenon in developed countries. Any form of education that children obtain within their home setting under the supervision of their parents/adults is classified as homeschooling. Some interesting home school dissertation topics are suggested below:

Topic 96: A qualitative study to understand the significance of the role of information technology in homeschooling

Research Aim: This research will assess the importance of information technology for homeschooling through qualitative research.

Topic 97: The advantages and disadvantages of home schooling – Do home children perform with the top private and public school students?

Research Aim: This research will assess the pros and cons of home-schooling. It will also assess the performance of home schooled-students as compared to private and public school students.

Topic 98: A qualitative analysis of socialisation and academic accomplishments among home schooled university students

Research Aim: This research will be a qualitative analysis with respect to socialisation and academic accomplishments with respect to home schooled university students.

Topic 99: Factors motivating students to choose home schooling over conventional schooling systems

Research Aim: This study will explore the factors that motivate students to opt for homeschooling over the conventional schooling system.

Topic 100: A qualitative study to understand the parental motivation for home-schooling

Research Aim: This will be a qualitative study to assess the parental motivation to home-school their children.

Topic 101: Are partnerships available in homeschooling? Exploring their Effectiveness

Research Aim: This research will explore whether partnerships are available in homeschooling or not and how beneficial they prove to be.

Topic 102: A qualitative analysis to understand the educational beliefs of home schooled pupils and their parents

Research Aim: This research will conduct a qualitative analysis to assess the educational beliefs of homeschooled students and their parents.

Topic 103: A qualitative analysis of the relationship between financial literacy and homeschooling

Research Aim: This research will assess whether there is a relationship between homeschooling and financial literacy or not.

Topic 104: The duties and responsibilities of parents concerning the homeschooling of their children

Research Aim: This research will explore the duties and responsibilities of parents with respect to the homeschooling of their children.

Topic 105: Do Homeschool Children Develop Personalities and Characters Like Private and Public Schooled Children?

Research Aim: This research will explore whether homeschooled children build strong character and confident personalities just like private and public schooled students or not.

Latest Education Dissertation Topics

• A Comparative Study on the Impact of Technology Integration on Student Learning Outcomes
• The Role of Teacher Feedback in Student Academic Achievement
• Efficacy of Differentiated Instruction in Diverse Classroom Settings
• Influence of Socioeconomic Factors on Educational Attainment
• Investigating the Effectiveness of Inquiry-Based Learning in Science Education
• Promoting Critical Thinking Skills Through Literature-Based Instruction
• Examining the Relationship Between Parental Involvement and Student Success
• Implementing Culturally Responsive Pedagogy in Urban Schools
• The Impact of Early Childhood Education Programs on Long-Term Academic Success
• The Effects of Gender Bias in Classroom Interactions on Student Achievement
• Impact of School Climate on Student Well-being and Academic Performance
• The Role of Emotional Intelligence in Teacher Effectiveness
• The Influence of Motivation on Student Engagement and Achievement
• The Impact of Peer Tutoring on Academic Achievement in Mathematics
• Exploring the Relationship Between Student-Teacher Rapport and Classroom Behaviour

Simple Ordering Process

A system that works for everyone, important notes:.

As a student of education looking to get good grades, it is essential to develop new ideas and experiment with existing education theories – i.e., to add value and interest to your research topic.

The field of education is vast and interrelated with so many other academic disciplines. That is why creating an education dissertation topic that is particular, sound, and actually solves a practical problem that may be rampant in the field is imperative.

We can’t stress how important it is to develop a logical research topic; it is the basis of your entire research. There are several significant downfalls to getting your topic wrong; your supervisor may not be interested in working on it, the topic has no academic creditability, the research may not make logical sense, and there is a possibility that the study is not viable.

This impacts your time and efforts in  writing your dissertation , as you may end up in a cycle of rejection at the very initial stage of the dissertation. That is why we recommend reviewing existing research to develop a topic, taking advice from your supervisor, and even asking for help in this particular stage of your dissertation.

While developing a research topic, keeping our advice in mind will allow you to pick one of the best education dissertation topics that fulfils your requirement of writing a research paper and add to the body of knowledge.

Therefore, it is recommended that when finalizing your dissertation topic, you read recently published literature to identify gaps in the research that you may help fill.

Remember- dissertation topics need to be unique, solve an identified problem, be logical, and be practically implemented. Take a look at some of our sample education dissertation topics to get an idea for your own dissertation.

How to Structure Your Education Dissertation

A well-structured   dissertation can help students   to achieve a high overall academic grade.

• A Title Page
• Acknowledgements
• Declaration
• Abstract: A summary of the research completed
• Table of Contents
• Introduction : This chapter includes the project rationale, research background, key research aims and objectives, and the research problems. An outline of the structure of a dissertation can also be added to this chapter.
• Literature Review :  This chapter presents relevant theories and frameworks by analysing published and unpublished literature available on the chosen research topic in light of research questions to be addressed. The purpose is to highlight and discuss the relative weaknesses and strengths of the selected research area while identifying any research gaps. A breakdown of the topic and key terms can positively impact your dissertation and your tutor.
• Methodology: The  data collection  and  analysis methods and techniques employed by the researcher are presented in the Methodology chapter, which usually includes  research design, research philosophy, research limitations, code of conduct, ethical consideration, data collection methods, and  data analysis strategy .
• Findings and Analysis: The findings  of the research are analysed in detail under the Findings and Analysis chapter. All key findings/results are outlined in this chapter without interpreting the data or drawing any conclusions. It can be useful to include  graphs ,  charts, and  tables in this chapter to identify meaningful trends and relationships.
• Discussion and  Conclusion: The researcher presents his interpretation of the results in this chapter and states whether the research hypothesis has been verified or not. An essential aspect of this section is to establish the link between the results and evidence from the literature. Recommendations with regard to the implications of the findings and directions for the future may also be provided. Finally, a summary of the overall research, along with final judgments, opinions, and comments, must be included in the form of suggestions for improvement.
• References:  Make sure to complete this in accordance with your University’s requirements
• Bibliography
• Appendices: Any additional information, diagrams, and graphs used to complete the dissertation  but not part of the dissertation should be included in the Appendices chapter. Essentially, the purpose is to expand the information/data.

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Frequently Asked Questions

How to find education dissertation topics.

To find education dissertation topics:

• Research recent educational issues.
• Explore curriculum gaps or innovations.
• Investigate teaching methods.
• Analyse student learning challenges.
• Consider policy or technology impacts.
• Select a topic aligning with your passion and research goals.

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