civil disobedience thoreau thesis

Civil Disobedience

Henry david thoreau, ask litcharts ai: the answer to your questions.

Henry David Thoreau online

Civil disobedience.

by Henry D. Thoreau

I heartily accept the motto, "That government is best which governs least"; and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I believe--"That government is best which governs not at all"; and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have. Government is at best but an expedient; but most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient. The objections which have been brought against a standing army, and they are many and weighty, and deserve to prevail, may also at last be brought against a standing government. The standing army is only an arm of the standing government. The government itself, which is only the mode which the people have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and perverted before the people can act through it. Witness the present Mexican war, the work of comparatively a few individuals using the standing government as their tool; for in the outset, the people would not have consented to this measure.

This American government--what is it but a tradition, though a recent one, endeavoring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing some of its integrity? It has not the vitality and force of a single living man; for a single man can bend it to his will. It is a sort of wooden gun to the people themselves. But it is not the less necessary for this; for the people must have some complicated machinery or other, and hear its din, to satisfy that idea of government which they have. Governments show thus how successfully men can be imposed upon, even impose on themselves, for their own advantage. It is excellent, we must all allow. Yet this government never of itself furthered any enterprise, but by the alacrity with which it got out of its way. _It_ does not keep the country free. _It_ does not settle the West. _It_ does not educate. The character inherent in the American people has done all that has been accomplished; and it would have done somewhat more, if the government had not sometimes got in its way. For government is an expedient, by which men would fain succeed in letting one another alone; and, as has been said, when it is most expedient, the governed are most let alone by it. Trade and commerce, if they were not made of india-rubber, would never manage to bounce over obstacles which legislators are continually putting in their way; and if one were to judge these men wholly by the effects of their actions and not partly by their intentions, they would deserve to be classed and punished with those mischievious persons who put obstructions on the railroads.

But, to speak practically and as a citizen, unlike those who call themselves no-government men, I ask for, not _at once_ no government, but at once a better government. Let every man make known what kind of government would command his respect, and that will be one step toward obtaining it.

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Theses and Dissertations

On the duty of uncivil disobedience: thoreau's action from principle.

Alan F. Garcia , Texas A&M International University Follow

Publication Date

Fall 12-4-2023

Document Type

Degree name.

Master of Arts in English (MA)

Committee Chair

Jonathan W. Murphy

Committee Member

Teresa Y. Scott

Jack C. Byham

Nathaniel R. Racine

This thesis explores the uncivil disobedience evident in some of Henry D. Thoreau’s work, which is often regarded as the birth and foundation of what is today known as “civil disobedience.” Using the nature of Thoreau’s subtle language and his philosophy of action from principle in his writings, including “Resistance to Civil Government” (1849), Walden (1854), “Life Without Principle” (1863), “A Plea for Captain John Brown" (1859), and some of his real life actions, this thesis will examine the antagonistic and, perhaps, uncivil nature of Thoreau’s so-called “civil disobedience.” This thesis will also incorporate Sophocles’ play Antigone (441 BBC), Candice Delmas’ A Duty to Resist: When Disobedience Should be Uncivil (2018), and Larry J. Reynolds’ Righteous Violence: Revolution, Slavery, and the American Renaissance (2011) to better understand Antigone’s and Thoreau’s uncivil disobedience against a deeply unjust state and a civilized society controlled by self-interest and avarice. All of this will culminate in Thoreau’s ardent defense and exoneration of radical abolitionist, militant, and man of uncivil disobedience: John Brown. This thesis aims to describe the ways in which Thoreau uncivilly challenged a rapidly industrializing nineteenth-century America, where business and materialism dominated individuals’ daily lives and a corrupt and unprincipled government permitted the enslavement and oppression of an entire portion of the American population.

Recommended Citation

Garcia, Alan F., "On the Duty of Uncivil Disobedience: Thoreau's Action From Principle" (2023). Theses and Dissertations . 203. https://rio.tamiu.edu/etds/203

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Civil Disobedience and Other Essays

Introduction.

Welcome to the wonderful world of “Civil Disobedience and Other Essays” by Henry David Thoreau! 🌲📚 This collection is not just a book; it’s a profound exploration of personal conviction and the importance of individual action in society. Written in the mid-19th century by Thoreau, an American essayist, poet, and philosopher, this work has transcended time and continues to inspire readers around the globe.

Thoreau was not just any writer; he was a man deeply concerned with the principles of justice, freedom, and individual rights. Born in 1817 in Concord, Massachusetts, he became a leading figure in the Transcendentalist movement, which emphasized the importance of nature and the inherent goodness of people. Thoreau’s life at Walden Pond, where he sought simplicity and solitude, greatly influenced his writings, including “Civil Disobedience.”

The genre of this collection can be best described as a blend of philosophical essay and social commentary. It delves into Thoreau’s thoughts on how individuals should not permit governments to overrule their consciences, and it’s a powerful call for passive resistance to unjust laws. 🏛️✊ The essays within this book tackle themes of civil liberties, the role of the individual in society, and the importance of personal integrity and moral judgment.

So, let’s embark on this journey through Thoreau’s critical essays, exploring his insights on civil disobedience, the significance of individual action , and the power of standing up for what’s right, even when it goes against the grain. Get ready to be inspired! 🌟

Plot Summary

“Civil Disobedience and Other Essays” is a collection of essays that, unlike a traditional narrative with a plot, focuses on Henry David Thoreau’s philosophical perspectives on various subjects. Therefore, a “plot summary” in the conventional sense doesn’t apply. However, I’ll outline the main ideas and structure of the collection to give you a sense of its flow and thematic exposition .

“Civil Disobedience” — Thoreau opens with his most famous essay, “Civil Disobedience,” arguing for the necessity of disobeying unjust laws and governing oneself according to reason and conscience. This essay was inspired by Thoreau’s own experience of being jailed for refusing to pay a poll tax, protesting slavery and the Mexican-American War. He contends that government is best which governs least, and at its best, government does not intrude into the lives of individuals.

Exposition — Thoreau sets the stage by discussing the nature of government and its role in society, emphasizing the importance of individual conscience and moral integrity over legislative mandates.

Rising Action — The tension in the essay builds as Thoreau critiques contemporary social injustices, including slavery and imperialist wars, illustrating how the government often acts against the interests of its people.

Climax — The peak of the essay occurs when Thoreau details his night in jail, symbolizing the clash between individual conscience and the state. This act of civil disobedience serves as a personal and philosophical stand against systemic injustice.

Falling Action — Following his release, Thoreau reflects on his experience and the reactions of his fellow townspeople, exploring the broader implications of his actions and the concept of resistance.

Resolution — Thoreau concludes that true change can only come through individual action guided by conscience. He calls for a society where people act according to justice and moral principles, rather than blindly following laws and government.

The other essays in the collection explore similar themes of individuality, nature, and society, each adding depth to Thoreau’s philosophical and moral vision:

• “Life Without Principle” — Thoreau criticizes the materialism and ambition that dominate society, advocating for a life guided by higher principles.
• “Slavery in Massachusetts” — A powerful condemnation of slavery and the complicity of the state and citizens in its perpetuation.
• “A Plea for Captain John Brown” — Thoreau’s defense of the radical abolitionist John Brown, praising his moral conviction and willingness to act on behalf of enslaved people.
• “Walking” — An essay that extols the virtues of nature and the importance of preserving the wilderness for spiritual and physical health.

Through these essays, Thoreau weaves a consistent thread of civil disobedience, the sanctity of individual conscience, and the urgent need for societal reform.

Character Analysis

Given that “Civil Disobedience and Other Essays” is a collection of philosophical essays rather than a narrative story, it doesn’t feature characters in the traditional sense. The “character” we can analyze is Henry David Thoreau himself, as he presents his thoughts, reflections, and convictions throughout these essays. Thoreau’s persona as an essayist can be dissected in terms of his philosophical and moral stances, his motivations for writing, and how his character develops across his works.

Henry David Thoreau — A philosopher, naturalist, and outspoken critic of injustice. His writings reveal a deeply moral individual who places great value on individual conscience, personal freedom, and the inherent goodness of nature. Thoreau is motivated by a desire to live authentically and to encourage others to do the same, challenging societal norms and unjust laws. His development throughout the essays showcases a growing urgency and clarity in his calls for civil disobedience and reform, reflecting his evolving perspective on how individuals can and should respond to societal injustices.

Thoreau’s “character” is consistent in its advocacy for moral integrity and the importance of acting on one’s principles. He is both a product of his time, responding to the specific issues of slavery and imperialist expansion, and a timeless figure, whose ideas on civil disobedience and personal freedom resonate with future generations. His writings serve not only as a reflection of his character but also as a call to action for readers to examine their own principles and the society around them.

Themes and Symbols

“Civil Disobedience and Other Essays” by Henry David Thoreau is rich with themes and symbols that contribute to the overarching message and moral inquiries presented throughout the collection. Let’s explore some of the major themes and symbols Thoreau uses to convey his philosophical and ethical convictions.

Individual vs. Society — Thoreau explores the tension between the rights of the individual and the powers of the state, advocating for the supremacy of personal conscience over societal laws. This theme underscores the importance of individual action in the face of social and political injustice.

Civil Disobedience — Central to Thoreau’s philosophy, this theme argues that individuals should not permit governments to overrule or atrophy their consciences and that they have a duty to avoid acquiescence to injustice through nonviolent resistance. This theme challenges the moral foundations of governmental authority and the complicity of citizens in societal wrongs.

Nature and Simplicity — Throughout the essays, Thoreau emphasizes the value of nature and the need for a simple life that is in harmony with natural principles. Nature serves as a symbol of purity and truth, contrasting with the corruption and complexity of societal institutions.

Materialism vs. Spiritual Values — Thoreau critiques the pervasive materialism of society, suggesting that the relentless pursuit of wealth and property leads to moral and spiritual bankruptcy. He advocates for a life focused on higher values and the intrinsic rewards of personal fulfillment and freedom.

The Jail — In “Civil Disobedience,” Thoreau’s brief imprisonment serves as a powerful symbol of the individual’s moral superiority over the state’s coercive power. The jail represents both the physical and philosophical confinement imposed by unjust laws and societal norms.

Walden Pond — Although not directly addressed in all the essays, Walden Pond, where Thoreau lived for two years, symbolizes the possibility of living in harmony with nature and the importance of self-reliance and introspection. It stands as a metaphor for spiritual awakening and personal independence.

The Loom — In “Life Without Principle,” Thoreau uses the loom as a metaphor for the constructive and creative process of living a life based on principle rather than on economic gain. It symbolizes the weaving of a life that integrates personal values and actions.

The Railroad — Thoreau often uses the railroad as a symbol of industrial progress and its impact on society and the natural world. It represents the double-edged sword of technological advancement, bringing convenience and economic growth but at the cost of spiritual emptiness and environmental degradation.

Through these themes and symbols, Thoreau crafts a compelling critique of his contemporary society while offering timeless insights into the human condition, the value of nature, and the power of individual conscience.

Style and Tone

Henry David Thoreau’s writing style and tone in “Civil Disobedience and Other Essays” are as distinctive as his philosophical ideas. Through his prose , Thoreau communicates with readers in a way that is both compelling and thought-provoking, using a combination of literary techniques to enhance his arguments and engage his audience. Here are some key aspects of his style and tone :

• Persuasive and Rhetorical — Thoreau employs a persuasive style, using rhetorical questions, repetition, and analogies to argue his points and engage the reader’s conscience and reason. His use of rhetorical devices is aimed at encouraging readers to reflect on their own beliefs and actions in relation to societal norms and injustices.
• Reflective and Personal — Thoreau’s tone is often reflective, delving into personal experiences and observations to draw broader conclusions about society, government, and morality. This introspective approach helps establish a connection with the reader, making his philosophical discussions more relatable and impactful.
• Direct and Incisive — Thoreau doesn’t shy away from making direct and incisive critiques of government, society, and the prevailing attitudes of his time. His straightforward and sometimes blunt tone emphasizes his conviction and the urgency of his message.
• Poetic and Imaginative — Despite the serious themes he tackles, Thoreau’s writing is imbued with a poetic sensibility, rich in imagery and metaphor. This not only beautifies his prose but also serves to symbolize and underscore his philosophical points, particularly his reverence for nature.
• Provocative and Challenging — Thoreau’s essays are meant to provoke thought and challenge the status quo. He uses his writing to question societal norms and to push readers to consider their complicity in injustices. His tone can be confrontational but is ultimately aimed at inspiring action and change.
• Hopeful and Visionary — Amidst the critique and calls for civil disobedience, there’s an underlying tone of hope and vision for a better society—one that values justice, individual freedom, and a deeper connection with nature. Thoreau’s essays convey a belief in the potential for individual and collective transformation.

Thoreau’s style and tone , characterized by these elements, make “Civil Disobedience and Other Essays” not just a collection of political and philosophical musings but a powerful and enduring call to conscience for readers across generations.

Literary Devices used in Civil Disobedience and Other Essays

Henry David Thoreau’s “Civil Disobedience and Other Essays” showcases a masterful use of literary devices that enrich his arguments and enhance the reader’s engagement with his philosophical ideas. Here are the top 10 literary devices Thoreau employs, along with explanations of their use within the text:

• Metaphor — Thoreau frequently uses metaphors to draw comparisons between abstract concepts and tangible experiences. For instance, he compares government to a machine, suggesting that individuals should not let the government grind them into conformity but should instead act as a counter friction to stop the machine when it is unjust.
• Allusion — Thoreau alludes to historical, biblical, and literary figures and events to underscore his points and connect his arguments to broader human experiences. For example, he alludes to Christ and Socrates as individuals who acted according to their conscience rather than comply with unjust societal norms.
• Imagery — Vivid imagery is used to evoke a sense of place, particularly when Thoreau describes nature. His depiction of Walden Pond creates a serene and contemplative setting that contrasts with the tumult of societal injustice and serves as a backdrop for his reflections on simplicity and freedom.
• Parallelism — Thoreau employs parallel structure to emphasize his ideas and arguments. This is evident in his rhythmic use of language, particularly in the famous opening lines of “Civil Disobedience,” which assert that the best government is the one that governs least.
• Hyperbole — Thoreau uses exaggeration for emphasis and to provoke thought, such as when he claims that the government has not of itself furthered any enterprise, except through the character and conduct of the citizens.
• Personification — By attributing human qualities to abstract concepts or inanimate objects, Thoreau animates his discussion of nature and government. For example, he personifies government as a living entity capable of injustice, thereby criticizing its actions more pointedly.
• Irony — Thoreau employs irony to highlight the contradictions between societal values and actions. His irony is sharp when discussing how society praises freedom yet upholds slavery, revealing the hypocrisy of American democracy.
• Anaphora — The repetition of words at the beginning of successive clauses is used for emphasis and rhythm. Thoreau’s use of anaphora reinforces his key points, making his prose more memorable and persuasive.
• Rhetorical Question — Thoreau uses rhetorical questions to engage the reader’s thought process and highlight the absurdity or moral clarity of certain situations, without expecting an actual answer.
• Antithesis — He often juxtaposes opposing ideas to highlight the contrast between his philosophical viewpoints and the prevailing societal norms, enhancing the reader’s understanding of his arguments.

These literary devices are integral to Thoreau’s unique writing style, enriching “Civil Disobedience and Other Essays” with layers of meaning and helping to convey his messages in a powerful and enduring way.

Literary Device Examples

For each of the top 10 literary devices identified in Henry David Thoreau’s “Civil Disobedience and Other Essays,” here are three examples and explanations to illustrate how Thoreau employs these devices throughout his work.

Parallelism

Civil disobedience and other essays – faqs.

What is the main argument of “Civil Disobedience” by Henry David Thoreau?

Thoreau argues that individuals should not permit governments to overrule or atrophy their consciences and that they have a moral duty to refuse to support injustices perpetrated by those governments. He advocates for nonviolent civil disobedience as a means of opposing unjust laws.

Who influenced Thoreau’s ideas on civil disobedience?

Thoreau was influenced by his contemporaries within the Transcendentalist movement, like Ralph Waldo Emerson, as well as by his own observations of social injustices such as slavery and the Mexican-American War. His ideas also preemptively echoed later figures like Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., who cited Thoreau’s work as influential.

How did Thoreau’s time at Walden Pond influence his writings?

Thoreau’s two-year experiment living in simple conditions at Walden Pond greatly influenced his thoughts on simplicity, self-reliance, and the importance of nature. These experiences are reflected in his advocacy for living deliberately, valuing personal introspection, and finding moral guidance in the natural world.

Why was Thoreau arrested, and how did it impact his work?

Thoreau was arrested for refusing to pay a poll tax, which he did in protest against slavery and the Mexican-American War. This experience led him to write “Civil Disobedience,” articulating his theory that individuals should not support a government that perpetrates or supports injustices.

Can “Civil Disobedience” be applied to contemporary issues?

Yes, Thoreau’s advocacy for civil disobedience as a form of protest against injustice has been applied to numerous social and political issues throughout history and remains relevant today. Activists around the world continue to use nonviolent resistance to challenge unjust laws and social norms.

What does Thoreau mean by the statement, “The best government is that which governs least”?

Thoreau believed that government should have a minimal role in the lives of individuals, allowing them to live freely and according to their own moral compass. He argued that too much governmental control stifles individuality and morality, leading to a passive society that tolerates injustices.

Identify the literary devices used in the following paragraph from “Civil Disobedience and Other Essays” by Henry David Thoreau:

“I heartily accept the motto, — ‘That government is best which governs least’; and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I believe — ‘That government is best which governs not at all’; and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have. Government is at best but an expedient; but most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, an inconvenience.”

• Quotation – Thoreau begins with a quotation to ground his argument in a recognizable idea, setting the stage for his further exploration of the concept of minimal government.
• Parallelism – The repetition of the phrase “That government is best which” at the beginning of successive clauses creates a rhythmic structure that emphasizes his point about the ideal form of government.
• Anaphora – The use of “and” to start consecutive clauses (“and I should like to see it,” “and when men are prepared for it”) adds emphasis and rhythm to the passage, reinforcing his arguments.
• Antithesis – Thoreau contrasts the concept of government as an expedient with the idea that it is an inconvenience, highlighting the dual nature of governmental authority.
• Belief Statement – Thoreau interjects his personal belief (“which also I believe”) to strengthen his argument with personal conviction, making his case not just logical but also deeply personal.

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Lit. Summaries

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Thoreau’s Civil Disobedience: A Critical Literary Analysis

• Henry David Thoreau

Henry David Thoreau’s essay “Civil Disobedience” is a classic work of American literature that has been studied and analyzed for its political and philosophical implications. This critical literary analysis will examine the themes, style, and historical context of the essay, exploring how Thoreau’s ideas about individual conscience, nonviolent resistance, and the role of government continue to resonate with readers today. Through close reading and interpretation, we will gain a deeper understanding of Thoreau’s message and its relevance to contemporary debates about social justice and political activism.

The Historical Context of Thoreau’s Civil Disobedience

The mid-19th century was a time of great social and political upheaval in the United States. Slavery was a contentious issue, with abolitionists and pro-slavery advocates engaged in a bitter debate over the morality and legality of the institution. The Mexican-American War had just ended, and many Americans were questioning the government’s motives for engaging in the conflict. Additionally, the country was experiencing rapid industrialization and urbanization, leading to concerns about the impact of these changes on society and the environment. Against this backdrop, Henry David Thoreau wrote his essay “Civil Disobedience,” which would become a seminal text in the history of American political thought. Thoreau’s ideas about individual conscience, nonviolent resistance, and the duty to disobey unjust laws continue to resonate with readers today, making “Civil Disobedience” a timeless work of literature.

Thoreau’s Concept of Civil Disobedience

Thoreau’s concept of civil disobedience is a powerful and influential idea that has shaped the way we think about political protest and resistance. At its core, civil disobedience is a form of nonviolent resistance that involves breaking unjust laws or disobeying unjust orders in order to bring attention to a particular issue or cause. Thoreau believed that individuals had a moral obligation to resist unjust laws and that this resistance could be a powerful force for social change. In his essay “Civil Disobedience,” Thoreau argues that individuals have a duty to follow their conscience and to act on their beliefs, even if this means breaking the law. He also emphasizes the importance of individual action and the need for individuals to take responsibility for their own actions. Thoreau’s concept of civil disobedience has been influential in many social and political movements, including the civil rights movement, the anti-war movement, and the environmental movement. Today, it continues to inspire individuals and groups who seek to challenge unjust laws and promote social justice.

Thoreau’s Critique of Democracy

Thoreau’s critique of democracy is a central theme in his essay “Civil Disobedience.” He argues that democracy is not a perfect system and that it can be corrupted by the majority’s tyranny. Thoreau believes that the government should be based on individual conscience and not on the will of the majority. He argues that the government should be limited in its power and that individuals should be free to act according to their own conscience. Thoreau’s critique of democracy is a powerful reminder that the government should be accountable to the people and that individuals should be free to express their opinions without fear of retribution.

The Role of Individual Conscience in Civil Disobedience

The concept of individual conscience plays a crucial role in civil disobedience, as it is the driving force behind the decision to break unjust laws. Thoreau believed that individuals have a moral obligation to resist unjust laws, even if it means facing punishment. He argued that blindly following the law without questioning its morality is a form of slavery, and that individuals must use their conscience to determine what is right and wrong. Thoreau’s emphasis on individual conscience in civil disobedience has influenced many social justice movements, including the civil rights movement and the fight for LGBTQ+ rights. However, the role of individual conscience in civil disobedience is not without controversy, as some argue that it can lead to chaos and anarchy. Despite this, Thoreau’s ideas continue to inspire individuals to stand up for what they believe in and fight for a more just society.

Thoreau’s Influence on Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr

Thoreau’s influence on Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr. is undeniable. Both leaders were inspired by Thoreau’s ideas of civil disobedience and nonviolent resistance. Gandhi, in particular, was deeply influenced by Thoreau’s essay “Civil Disobedience,” which he read while studying law in England. Gandhi later wrote that Thoreau’s ideas “greatly influenced” his own philosophy of nonviolent resistance. Similarly, Martin Luther King Jr. was also inspired by Thoreau’s ideas and often cited “Civil Disobedience” in his speeches and writings. Thoreau’s legacy continues to inspire activists and leaders around the world who seek to bring about social change through peaceful means.

The Relationship between Civil Disobedience and Anarchism

The relationship between civil disobedience and anarchism has been a topic of debate for many years. Some argue that civil disobedience is a form of anarchism, while others believe that civil disobedience is a means of achieving social change within a democratic society. Thoreau’s essay “Civil Disobedience” has been interpreted in both ways. On one hand, Thoreau’s emphasis on individual conscience and the rejection of government authority aligns with anarchist principles. On the other hand, Thoreau’s call for nonviolent resistance and his belief in the power of the individual to effect change through peaceful means suggests a more democratic approach. Ultimately, the relationship between civil disobedience and anarchism is complex and multifaceted, and Thoreau’s essay continues to inspire debate and discussion on this topic.

Thoreau’s Views on Slavery and Abolitionism

Thoreau’s views on slavery and abolitionism were deeply rooted in his belief in individual freedom and the importance of standing up for one’s principles. He was a vocal opponent of slavery and believed that it was not only morally wrong, but also a violation of the principles of democracy and human rights. Thoreau’s commitment to abolitionism was evident in his writings, including his famous essay “Civil Disobedience,” in which he argued that individuals have a duty to resist unjust laws and policies, including those that support slavery. Thoreau’s views on slavery and abolitionism were influential in shaping the political and social landscape of his time, and continue to inspire activists and thinkers today.

Thoreau’s Critique of Materialism and Consumerism

Thoreau’s critique of materialism and consumerism is a central theme in his essay “Civil Disobedience.” He argues that the pursuit of material possessions and wealth is a distraction from the true purpose of life, which is to live deliberately and to pursue one’s own individual path. Thoreau believes that consumerism and materialism lead to a loss of individuality and a conformity to societal norms. He writes, “Most men lead lives of quiet desperation and go to the grave with the song still in them.” Thoreau’s critique of materialism and consumerism is a call to action for individuals to reject societal pressures and to live a life that is true to themselves.

Thoreau’s Transcendentalist Philosophy and its Impact on Civil Disobedience

Thoreau’s Transcendentalist philosophy played a significant role in shaping his views on civil disobedience. As a Transcendentalist, Thoreau believed in the inherent goodness of individuals and the importance of self-reliance and non-conformity. He also believed in the power of nature and the need for individuals to connect with it in order to find spiritual fulfillment. These beliefs influenced his views on civil disobedience, as he saw it as a way for individuals to assert their own moral principles and resist unjust laws. Thoreau’s essay “Civil Disobedience” is a powerful example of his Transcendentalist philosophy in action, as he argues that individuals have a duty to disobey unjust laws and to follow their own conscience, even if it means facing punishment or imprisonment. Thoreau’s ideas on civil disobedience have had a lasting impact on political and social movements, inspiring individuals to stand up for their beliefs and to resist oppression and injustice.

The Literary Style and Structure of Civil Disobedience

Thoreau’s Civil Disobedience is a masterpiece of American literature that has been widely studied and analyzed for its literary style and structure. The essay is written in a simple and straightforward language that is easy to understand, yet it is also rich in metaphors and allusions that add depth and complexity to the text. Thoreau’s use of rhetorical devices such as repetition, parallelism, and irony also contribute to the essay’s literary quality.

The structure of Civil Disobedience is also noteworthy. Thoreau begins with a personal anecdote about his experience in jail, which serves as a hook to draw the reader in. He then transitions into a philosophical discussion about the role of government and the duty of the individual to resist unjust laws. Thoreau’s argument is structured in a logical and persuasive manner, with each point building upon the previous one. The essay concludes with a call to action, urging readers to take a stand against injustice and to live according to their own conscience.

Overall, Thoreau’s Civil Disobedience is a masterful example of literary craftsmanship. Its simple yet powerful language, effective use of rhetorical devices, and well-structured argument make it a timeless piece of American literature that continues to inspire readers today.

Thoreau’s Use of Metaphors and Symbolism in Civil Disobedience

In his essay “Civil Disobedience,” Henry David Thoreau employs various metaphors and symbols to convey his message of nonviolent resistance against unjust laws. One of the most prominent metaphors he uses is that of the government as a machine. Thoreau argues that the government has become so mechanized that it no longer serves the people but rather oppresses them. He writes, “The government itself, which is only the mode which the people have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and perverted before the people can act through it.” This metaphor highlights the idea that the government is not a living entity but rather a tool that can be manipulated by those in power.

Another metaphor Thoreau employs is that of the individual as a machine. He argues that individuals have become so accustomed to following the rules and regulations set by the government that they have lost their ability to think for themselves. Thoreau writes, “The mass of men serve the state thus, not as men mainly, but as machines, with their bodies.” This metaphor emphasizes the idea that individuals have become dehumanized and are no longer able to exercise their own free will.

Thoreau also uses symbolism to convey his message of civil disobedience. One of the most significant symbols he employs is that of the Concord River. Thoreau describes the river as a symbol of freedom and resistance against oppression. He writes, “I have thought that Walden Pond would be a good place for business, not solely on account of the railroad and the ice trade; it offers advantages which it may not be good policy to divulge; it is a good port and a good foundation. No Neva marshes to be filled; though you must everywhere build on piles of your own driving. It is said that a flood-tide, with a westerly wind, and ice in the Neva, would sweep St. Petersburg from the face of the earth.” This passage highlights the idea that the river represents a force that cannot be controlled or contained by the government.

Overall, Thoreau’s use of metaphors and symbolism in “Civil Disobedience” serves to emphasize his message of nonviolent resistance against unjust laws. By employing these literary devices, Thoreau is able to convey complex ideas in a way that is both accessible and powerful.

Thoreau’s Views on Nature and their Connection to Civil Disobedience

Thoreau’s views on nature were deeply intertwined with his philosophy of civil disobedience. He believed that nature was a source of inspiration and guidance for individuals seeking to resist unjust laws and government policies. Thoreau saw nature as a symbol of freedom and self-reliance, and he believed that individuals who spent time in nature were better equipped to resist the pressures of conformity and social norms. In his essay “Walking,” Thoreau wrote, “In wildness is the preservation of the world.” This statement reflects his belief that nature is essential to the preservation of individual freedom and the natural world. Thoreau’s views on nature were not just aesthetic or romantic; they were deeply political and had practical implications for his philosophy of civil disobedience. By connecting nature to civil disobedience, Thoreau was able to articulate a powerful critique of the state and its laws, and he inspired generations of activists to resist unjust authority in the name of freedom and justice.

Thoreau’s Critique of War and Militarism

Thoreau’s critique of war and militarism is a central theme in his essay “Civil Disobedience.” He argues that war and militarism are not only immoral but also ineffective in achieving their stated goals. Thoreau believes that war only leads to more violence and destruction, and that it is the duty of individuals to resist it through nonviolent means. He writes, “I cannot for an instant recognize that political organization as my government which is the slave’s government also.” Thoreau’s critique of war and militarism is rooted in his belief in individual freedom and the importance of living a life of conscience. He argues that individuals have a responsibility to resist unjust laws and policies, even if it means breaking the law. Thoreau’s ideas about civil disobedience and nonviolent resistance have had a profound impact on social and political movements throughout history, from the civil rights movement to the anti-war movement.

Thoreau’s Views on Education and their Connection to Civil Disobedience

Thoreau’s views on education were closely tied to his philosophy of civil disobedience. He believed that education should not be limited to the traditional classroom setting, but rather should encompass a broader understanding of the world and one’s place in it. Thoreau argued that true education comes from experience and self-reflection, rather than simply memorizing facts and figures. This belief is evident in his famous essay “Civil Disobedience,” where he encourages individuals to question authority and think for themselves. Thoreau believed that education should empower individuals to challenge unjust laws and systems, and to actively work towards creating a more just society. In this way, his views on education were intimately connected to his philosophy of civil disobedience, as both were rooted in the idea of individual empowerment and social change.

The Reception and Legacy of Civil Disobedience

The reception and legacy of Thoreau’s Civil Disobedience have been significant and far-reaching. The essay has been widely read and studied, and its ideas have influenced many social and political movements throughout history. Thoreau’s call for individual conscience and resistance to unjust laws has inspired civil rights leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr. The essay’s emphasis on the importance of personal responsibility and nonviolent resistance has also been influential in environmental and anti-war movements. Despite some criticism of Thoreau’s ideas, his legacy as a writer and social critic continues to be celebrated today.

Thoreau’s Influence on Environmentalism and Ecological Ethics

Thoreau’s influence on environmentalism and ecological ethics is undeniable. His writings on the importance of preserving nature and living in harmony with the environment have inspired generations of environmental activists and thinkers. Thoreau’s belief in the intrinsic value of nature and his call for a simpler, more sustainable way of life continue to resonate with those who seek to protect the planet and promote ecological ethics. His ideas have been instrumental in shaping the modern environmental movement and continue to inspire new generations of environmentalists.

Thoreau’s Views on Religion and Spirituality and their Connection to Civil Disobedience

Thoreau’s views on religion and spirituality played a significant role in his philosophy of civil disobedience. He believed that individuals should follow their own conscience and inner voice, rather than blindly obeying the laws and rules set by the government. Thoreau saw religion as a personal and individual experience, rather than a set of dogmatic beliefs imposed by an external authority. He believed that spirituality was a way of connecting with the divine within oneself and the natural world, rather than a means of seeking salvation or redemption from an external deity. Thoreau’s emphasis on individualism and self-reliance in his philosophy of civil disobedience was rooted in his belief in the power of the individual to effect change in society. He saw civil disobedience as a means of expressing one’s own moral convictions and challenging the unjust laws and practices of the government. Thoreau’s views on religion and spirituality were thus intimately connected to his philosophy of civil disobedience, as he saw both as ways of asserting one’s own autonomy and challenging the authority of external institutions.

The Contemporary Relevance of Thoreau’s Civil Disobedience

Thoreau’s Civil Disobedience is a literary masterpiece that has stood the test of time. Its relevance in contemporary society cannot be overstated. Thoreau’s call for individuals to resist unjust laws and government policies is as relevant today as it was in the 19th century. The world is still grappling with issues of inequality, discrimination, and oppression, and Thoreau’s message of nonviolent resistance remains a powerful tool for social change. In a world where governments are increasingly becoming authoritarian and repressive, Thoreau’s Civil Disobedience serves as a reminder that individuals have the power to challenge the status quo and bring about meaningful change. The essay’s emphasis on individual conscience and the importance of taking a stand against injustice is a message that resonates with people of all ages and backgrounds. Thoreau’s Civil Disobedience is a timeless classic that continues to inspire generations of activists and social reformers.

On the Duty of Civil Disobedience

By henry david thoreau, 1849, original title: resistance to civil government.

I heartily accept the motto,—“That government is best which governs least;” and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I believe—“That government is best which governs not at all;” and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have. Government is at best but an expedient; but most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient. The objections which have been brought against a standing army, and they are many and weighty, and deserve to prevail, may also at last be brought against a standing government. The standing army is only an arm of the standing government. The government itself, which is only the mode which the people have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and perverted before the people can act through it. Witness the present Mexican war, the work of comparatively a few individuals using the standing government as their tool; for, in the outset, the people would not have consented to this measure.

This American government,—what is it but a tradition, though a recent one, endeavoring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing some of its integrity? It has not the vitality and force of a single living man; for a single man can bend it to his will. It is a sort of wooden gun to the people themselves; and, if ever they should use it in earnest as a real one against each other, it will surely split. But it is not the less necessary for this; for the people must have some complicated machinery or other, and hear its din, to satisfy that idea of government which they have. Governments show thus how successfully men can be imposed on, even impose on themselves, for their own advantage. It is excellent, we must all allow; yet this government never of itself furthered any enterprise, but by the alacrity with which it got out of its way. It does not keep the country free. It does not settle the West. It does not educate. The character inherent in the American people has done all that has been accomplished; and it would have done somewhat more, if the government had not sometimes got in its way. For government is an expedient, by which men would fain succeed in letting one another alone; and, as has been said, when it is most expedient, the governed are most let alone by it. Trade and commerce, if they were not made of India rubber, would never manage to bounce over obstacles which legislators are continually putting in their way; and, if one were to judge these men wholly by the effects of their actions, and not partly by their intentions, they would deserve to be classed and punished with those mischievous persons who put obstructions on the railroads.

But, to speak practically and as a citizen, unlike those who call themselves no-government men, I ask for, not at once no government, but at once a better government. Let every man make known what kind of government would command his respect, and that will be one step toward obtaining it.

After all, the practical reason why, when the power is once in the hands of the people, a majority are permitted, and for a long period continue, to rule, is not because they are most likely to be in the right, nor because this seems fairest to the minority, but because they are physically the strongest. But a government in which the majority rule in all cases can not be based on justice, even as far as men understand it. Can there not be a government in which the majorities do not virtually decide right and wrong, but conscience?—in which majorities decide only those questions to which the rule of expediency is applicable? Must the citizen ever for a moment, or in the least degree, resign his conscience to the legislator? Why has every man a conscience, then? I think that we should be men first, and subjects afterward. It is not desirable to cultivate a respect for the law, so much as for the right. The only obligation which I have a right to assume, is to do at any time what I think right. It is truly enough said that a corporation has no conscience; but a corporation of conscientious men is a corporation with a conscience. Law never made men a whit more just; and, by means of their respect for it, even the well-disposed are daily made the agents of injustice. A common and natural result of an undue respect for the law is, that you may see a file of soldiers, colonel, captain, corporal, privates, powder-monkeys and all, marching in admirable order over hill and dale to the wars, against their wills, aye, against their common sense and consciences, which makes it very steep marching indeed, and produces a palpitation of the heart. They have no doubt that it is a damnable business in which they are concerned; they are all peaceably inclined. Now, what are they? Men at all? or small movable forts and magazines, at the service of some unscrupulous man in power? Visit the Navy Yard, and behold a marine, such a man as an American government can make, or such as it can make a man with its black arts, a mere shadow and reminiscence of humanity, a man laid out alive and standing, and already, as one may say, buried under arms with funeral accompaniment, though it may be

“Not a drum was heard, not a funeral note,     As his corpse to the ramparts we hurried; Not a soldier discharged his farewell shot     O’er the grave where our hero we buried.”

The mass of men serve the State thus, not as men mainly, but as machines, with their bodies. They are the standing army, and the militia, jailers, constables, posse comitatus , &c. In most cases there is no free exercise whatever of the judgment or of the moral sense; but they put themselves on a level with wood and earth and stones; and wooden men can perhaps be manufactured that will serve the purpose as well. Such command no more respect than men of straw, or a lump of dirt. They have the same sort of worth only as horses and dogs. Yet such as these even are commonly esteemed good citizens. Others, as most legislators, politicians, lawyers, ministers, and office-holders, serve the state chiefly with their heads; and, as they rarely make any moral distinctions, they are as likely to serve the devil, without intending it, as God. A very few, as heroes, patriots, martyrs, reformers in the great sense, and men , serve the State with their consciences also, and so necessarily resist it for the most part; and they are commonly treated by it as enemies. A wise man will only be useful as a man, and will not submit to be “clay,” and “stop a hole to keep the wind away,” but leave that office to his dust at least:

“I am too high-born to be propertied, To be a secondary at control, Or useful serving-man and instrument To any sovereign state throughout the world.”

He who gives himself entirely to his fellow-men appears to them useless and selfish; but he who gives himself partially to them is pronounced a benefactor and philanthropist.

How does it become a man to behave toward the American government today? I answer that he cannot without disgrace be associated with it. I cannot for an instant recognize that political organization as my government which is the slave’s government also.

All men recognize the right of revolution; that is, the right to refuse allegiance to and to resist the government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are great and unendurable. But almost all say that such is not the case now. But such was the case, they think, in the Revolution of ’75. If one were to tell me that this was a bad government because it taxed certain foreign commodities brought to its ports, it is most probable that I should not make an ado about it, for I can do without them: all machines have their friction; and possibly this does enough good to counter-balance the evil. At any rate, it is a great evil to make a stir about it. But when the friction comes to have its machine, and oppression and robbery are organized, I say, let us not have such a machine any longer. In other words, when a sixth of the population of a nation which has undertaken to be the refuge of liberty are slaves, and a whole country is unjustly overrun and conquered by a foreign army, and subjected to military law, I think that it is not too soon for honest men to rebel and revolutionize. What makes this duty the more urgent is that fact, that the country so overrun is not our own, but ours is the invading army.

Paley, a common authority with many on moral questions, in his chapter on the “Duty of Submission to Civil Government,” resolves all civil obligation into expediency; and he proceeds to say, “that so long as the interest of the whole society requires it, that is, so long as the established government cannot be resisted or changed without public inconveniency, it is the will of God that the established government be obeyed, and no longer.”—“This principle being admitted, the justice of every particular case of resistance is reduced to a computation of the quantity of the danger and grievance on the one side, and of the probability and expense of redressing it on the other.” Of this, he says, every man shall judge for himself. But Paley appears never to have contemplated those cases to which the rule of expediency does not apply, in which a people, as well as an individual, must do justice, cost what it may. If I have unjustly wrested a plank from a drowning man, I must restore it to him though I drown myself. This, according to Paley, would be inconvenient. But he that would save his life, in such a case, shall lose it. This people must cease to hold slaves, and to make war on Mexico, though it cost them their existence as a people.

In their practice, nations agree with Paley; but does anyone think that Massachusetts does exactly what is right at the present crisis?

“A drab of state, a cloth-o’-silver slut, To have her train borne up, and her soul trail in the dirt.”

Practically speaking, the opponents to a reform in Massachusetts are not a hundred thousand politicians at the South, but a hundred thousand merchants and farmers here, who are more interested in commerce and agriculture than they are in humanity, and are not prepared to do justice to the slave and to Mexico, cost what it may . I quarrel not with far-off foes, but with those who, near at home, co-operate with, and do the bidding of those far away, and without whom the latter would be harmless. We are accustomed to say, that the mass of men are unprepared; but improvement is slow, because the few are not materially wiser or better than the many. It is not so important that many should be as good as you, as that there be some absolute goodness somewhere; for that will leaven the whole lump. There are thousands who are in opinion opposed to slavery and to the war, who yet in effect do nothing to put an end to them; who, esteeming themselves children of Washington and Franklin, sit down with their hands in their pockets, and say that they know not what to do, and do nothing; who even postpone the question of freedom to the question of free-trade, and quietly read the prices-current along with the latest advices from Mexico, after dinner, and, it may be, fall asleep over them both. What is the price-current of an honest man and patriot today? They hesitate, and they regret, and sometimes they petition; but they do nothing in earnest and with effect. They will wait, well disposed, for others to remedy the evil, that they may no longer have it to regret. At most, they give only a cheap vote, and a feeble countenance and Godspeed, to the right, as it goes by them. There are nine hundred and ninety-nine patrons of virtue to one virtuous man; but it is easier to deal with the real possessor of a thing than with the temporary guardian of it.

All voting is a sort of gaming, like chequers or backgammon, with a slight moral tinge to it, a playing with right and wrong, with moral questions; and betting naturally accompanies it. The character of the voters is not staked. I cast my vote, perchance, as I think right; but I am not vitally concerned that that right should prevail. I am willing to leave it to the majority. Its obligation, therefore, never exceeds that of expediency. Even voting for the right is doing nothing for it. It is only expressing to men feebly your desire that it should prevail. A wise man will not leave the right to the mercy of chance, nor wish it to prevail through the power of the majority. There is but little virtue in the action of masses of men. When the majority shall at length vote for the abolition of slavery, it will be because they are indifferent to slavery, or because there is but little slavery left to be abolished by their vote. They will then be the only slaves. Only his vote can hasten the abolition of slavery who asserts his own freedom by his vote.

I hear of a convention to be held at Baltimore, or elsewhere, for the selection of a candidate for the Presidency, made up chiefly of editors, and men who are politicians by profession; but I think, what is it to any independent, intelligent, and respectable man what decision they may come to, shall we not have the advantage of his wisdom and honesty, nevertheless? Can we not count upon some independent votes? Are there not many individuals in the country who do not attend conventions? But no: I find that the respectable man, so called, has immediately drifted from his position, and despairs of his country, when his country has more reasons to despair of him. He forthwith adopts one of the candidates thus selected as the only available one, thus proving that he is himself available for any purposes of the demagogue. His vote is of no more worth than that of any unprincipled foreigner or hireling native, who may have been bought. Oh for a man who is a man , and, as my neighbor says, has a bone in his back which you cannot pass your hand through! Our statistics are at fault: the population has been returned too large. How many men are there to a square thousand miles in the country? Hardly one. Does not America offer any inducement for men to settle here? The American has dwindled into an Odd Fellow,—one who may be known by the development of his organ of gregariousness, and a manifest lack of intellect and cheerful self-reliance; whose first and chief concern, on coming into the world, is to see that the alms-houses are in good repair; and, before yet he has lawfully donned the virile garb, to collect a fund for the support of the widows and orphans that may be; who, in short, ventures to live only by the aid of the Mutual Insurance company, which has promised to bury him decently.

It is not a man’s duty, as a matter of course, to devote himself to the eradication of any, even the most enormous wrong; he may still properly have other concerns to engage him; but it is his duty, at least, to wash his hands of it, and, if he gives it no thought longer, not to give it practically his support. If I devote myself to other pursuits and contemplations, I must first see, at least, that I do not pursue them sitting upon another man’s shoulders. I must get off him first, that he may pursue his contemplations too. See what gross inconsistency is tolerated. I have heard some of my townsmen say, “I should like to have them order me out to help put down an insurrection of the slaves, or to march to Mexico,—see if I would go;” and yet these very men have each, directly by their allegiance, and so indirectly, at least, by their money, furnished a substitute. The soldier is applauded who refuses to serve in an unjust war by those who do not refuse to sustain the unjust government which makes the war; is applauded by those whose own act and authority he disregards and sets at naught; as if the State were penitent to that degree that it hired one to scourge it while it sinned, but not to that degree that it left off sinning for a moment. Thus, under the name of Order and Civil Government, we are all made at last to pay homage to and support our own meanness. After the first blush of sin, comes its indifference; and from immoral it becomes, as it were, un moral, and not quite unnecessary to that life which we have made.

The broadest and most prevalent error requires the most disinterested virtue to sustain it. The slight reproach to which the virtue of patriotism is commonly liable, the noble are most likely to incur. Those who, while they disapprove of the character and measures of a government, yield to it their allegiance and support, are undoubtedly its most conscientious supporters, and so frequently the most serious obstacles to reform. Some are petitioning the State to dissolve the Union, to disregard the requisitions of the President. Why do they not dissolve it themselves,—the union between themselves and the State,—and refuse to pay their quota into its treasury? Do not they stand in same relation to the State, that the State does to the Union? And have not the same reasons prevented the State from resisting the Union, which have prevented them from resisting the State?

How can a man be satisfied to entertain an opinion merely, and enjoy it? Is there any enjoyment in it, if his opinion is that he is aggrieved? If you are cheated out of a single dollar by your neighbor, you do not rest satisfied with knowing you are cheated, or with saying that you are cheated, or even with petitioning him to pay you your due; but you take effectual steps at once to obtain the full amount, and see that you are never cheated again. Action from principle,—the perception and the performance of right,—changes things and relations; it is essentially revolutionary, and does not consist wholly with anything which was. It not only divided states and churches, it divides families; aye, it divides the individual , separating the diabolical in him from the divine.

Unjust laws exist: shall we be content to obey them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress them at once? Men generally, under such a government as this, think that they ought to wait until they have persuaded the majority to alter them. They think that, if they should resist, the remedy would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the government itself that the remedy is worse than the evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist before it is hurt? Why does it not encourage its citizens to be on the alert to point out its faults, and do better than it would have them? Why does it always crucify Christ, and excommunicate Copernicus and Luther, and pronounce Washington and Franklin rebels?

One would think, that a deliberate and practical denial of its authority was the only offence never contemplated by government; else, why has it not assigned its definite, its suitable and proportionate penalty? If a man who has no property refuses but once to earn nine shillings for the State, he is put in prison for a period unlimited by any law that I know, and determined only by the discretion of those who placed him there; but if he should steal ninety times nine shillings from the State, he is soon permitted to go at large again.

If the injustice is part of the necessary friction of the machine of government, let it go, let it go: perchance it will wear smooth,—certainly the machine will wear out. If the injustice has a spring, or a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself, then perhaps you may consider whether the remedy will not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a nature that it requires you to be the agent of injustice to another, then, I say, break the law. Let your life be a counter friction to stop the machine. What I have to do is to see, at any rate, that I do not lend myself to the wrong which I condemn.

As for adopting the ways which the State has provided for remedying the evil, I know not of such ways. They take too much time, and a man’s life will be gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has not every thing to do, but something; and because he cannot do every thing , it is not necessary that he should do something wrong. It is not my business to be petitioning the Governor or the Legislature any more than it is theirs to petition me; and, if they should not hear my petition, what should I do then? But in this case the State has provided no way: its very Constitution is the evil. This may seem to be harsh and stubborn and unconcilliatory; but it is to treat with the utmost kindness and consideration the only spirit that can appreciate or deserves it. So is all change for the better, like birth and death which convulse the body.

I do not hesitate to say, that those who call themselves abolitionists should at once effectually withdraw their support, both in person and property, from the government of Massachusetts, and not wait till they constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the right to prevail through them. I think that it is enough if they have God on their side, without waiting for that other one. Moreover, any man more right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one already.

I meet this American government, or its representative, the State government, directly, and face to face, once a year, no more, in the person of its tax-gatherer; this is the only mode in which a man situated as I am necessarily meets it; and it then says distinctly, Recognize me; and the simplest, the most effectual, and, in the present posture of affairs, the indispensablest mode of treating with it on this head, of expressing your little satisfaction with and love for it, is to deny it then. My civil neighbor, the tax-gatherer, is the very man I have to deal with,—for it is, after all, with men and not with parchment that I quarrel,—and he has voluntarily chosen to be an agent of the government. How shall he ever know well what he is and does as an officer of the government, or as a man, until he is obliged to consider whether he shall treat me, his neighbor, for whom he has respect, as a neighbor and well-disposed man, or as a maniac and disturber of the peace, and see if he can get over this obstruction to his neighborliness without a ruder and more impetuous thought or speech corresponding with his action? I know this well, that if one thousand, if one hundred, if ten men whom I could name,—if ten honest men only,—aye, if one HONEST man, in this State of Massachusetts, ceasing to hold slaves , were actually to withdraw from this copartnership, and be locked up in the county jail therefor, it would be the abolition of slavery in America. For it matters not how small the beginning may seem to be: what is once well done is done for ever. But we love better to talk about it: that we say is our mission. Reform keeps many scores of newspapers in its service, but not one man. If my esteemed neighbor, the State’s ambassador, who will devote his days to the settlement of the question of human rights in the Council Chamber, instead of being threatened with the prisons of Carolina, were to sit down the prisoner of Massachusetts, that State which is so anxious to foist the sin of slavery upon her sister,—though at present she can discover only an act of inhospitality to be the ground of a quarrel with her,—the Legislature would not wholly waive the subject of the following winter.

Under a government which imprisons any unjustly, the true place for a just man is also a prison. The proper place today, the only place which Massachusetts has provided for her freer and less desponding spirits, is in her prisons, to be put out and locked out of the State by her own act, as they have already put themselves out by their principles. It is there that the fugitive slave, and the Mexican prisoner on parole, and the Indian come to plead the wrongs of his race, should find them; on that separate, but more free and honorable ground, where the State places those who are not with her but against her,—the only house in a slave-state in which a free man can abide with honor. If any think that their influence would be lost there, and their voices no longer afflict the ear of the State, that they would not be as an enemy within its walls, they do not know by how much truth is stronger than error, nor how much more eloquently and effectively he can combat injustice who has experienced a little in his own person. Cast your whole vote, not a strip of paper merely, but your whole influence. A minority is powerless while it conforms to the majority; it is not even a minority then; but it is irresistible when it clogs by its whole weight. If the alternative is to keep all just men in prison, or give up war and slavery, the State will not hesitate which to choose. If a thousand men were not to pay their tax-bills this year, that would not be a violent and bloody measure, as it would be to pay them, and enable the State to commit violence and shed innocent blood. This is, in fact, the definition of a peaceable revolution, if any such is possible. If the tax-gatherer, or any other public officer, asks me, as one has done, “But what shall I do?” my answer is, “If you really wish to do any thing, resign your office.” When the subject has refused allegiance, and the officer has resigned his office, then the revolution is accomplished. But even suppose blood should flow. Is there not a sort of blood shed when the conscience is wounded? Through this wound a man’s real manhood and immortality flow out, and he bleeds to an everlasting death. I see this blood flowing now.

I have contemplated the imprisonment of the offender, rather than the seizure of his goods,—though both will serve the same purpose,—because they who assert the purest right, and consequently are most dangerous to a corrupt State, commonly have not spent much time in accumulating property. To such the State renders comparatively small service, and a slight tax is wont to appear exorbitant, particularly if they are obliged to earn it by special labor with their hands. If there were one who lived wholly without the use of money, the State itself would hesitate to demand it of him. But the rich man—not to make any invidious comparison—is always sold to the institution which makes him rich. Absolutely speaking, the more money, the less virtue; for money comes between a man and his objects, and obtains them for him; it was certainly no great virtue to obtain it. It puts to rest many questions which he would otherwise be taxed to answer; while the only new question which it puts is the hard but superfluous one, how to spend it. Thus his moral ground is taken from under his feet. The opportunities of living are diminished in proportion as what are called the “means” are increased. The best thing a man can do for his culture when he is rich is to endeavor to carry out those schemes which he entertained when he was poor. Christ answered the Herodians according to their condition. “Show me the tribute-money,” said he;—and one took a penny out of his pocket;—if you use money which has the image of Cæsar on it, and which he has made current and valuable, that is, if you are men of the State , and gladly enjoy the advantages of Cæsar’s government, then pay him back some of his own when he demands it; “Render therefore to Cæsar that which is Cæsar’s and to God those things which are God’s,”—leaving them no wiser than before as to which was which; for they did not wish to know.

When I converse with the freest of my neighbors, I perceive that, whatever they may say about the magnitude and seriousness of the question, and their regard for the public tranquillity, the long and the short of the matter is, that they cannot spare the protection of the existing government, and they dread the consequences of disobedience to it to their property and families. For my own part, I should not like to think that I ever rely on the protection of the State. But, if I deny the authority of the State when it presents its tax-bill, it will soon take and waste all my property, and so harass me and my children without end. This is hard. This makes it impossible for a man to live honestly and at the same time comfortably in outward respects. It will not be worth the while to accumulate property; that would be sure to go again. You must hire or squat somewhere, and raise but a small crop, and eat that soon. You must live within yourself, and depend upon yourself, always tucked up and ready for a start, and not have many affairs. A man may grow rich in Turkey even, if he will be in all respects a good subject of the Turkish government. Confucius said,—“If a State is governed by the principles of reason, poverty and misery are subjects of shame; if a State is not governed by the principles of reason, riches and honors are the subjects of shame.” No: until I want the protection of Massachusetts to be extended to me in some distant southern port, where my liberty is endangered, or until I am bent solely on building up an estate at home by peaceful enterprise, I can afford to refuse allegiance to Massachusetts, and her right to my property and life. It costs me less in every sense to incur the penalty of disobedience to the State, than it would to obey. I should feel as if I were worth less in that case.

Some years ago, the State met me in behalf of the church, and commanded me to pay a certain sum toward the support of a clergyman whose preaching my father attended, but never I myself. “Pay it,” it said, “or be locked up in the jail.” I declined to pay. But, unfortunately, another man saw fit to pay it. I did not see why the schoolmaster should be taxed to support the priest, and not the priest the schoolmaster; for I was not the State’s schoolmaster, but I supported myself by voluntary subscription. I did not see why the lyceum should not present its tax-bill, and have the State to back its demand, as well as the church. However, at the request of the selectmen, I condescended to make some such statement as this in writing:—“Know all men by these presents, that I, Henry Thoreau, do not wish to be regarded as a member of any incorporated society which I have not joined.” This I gave to the town-clerk; and he has it. The State, having thus learned that I did not wish to be regarded as a member of that church, has never made a like demand on me since; though it said that it must adhere to its original presumption that time. If I had known how to name them, I should then have signed off in detail from all the societies which I never signed on to; but I did not know where to find such a complete list.

I have paid no poll-tax for six years. I was put into a jail once on this account, for one night; and, as I stood considering the walls of solid stone, two or three feet thick, the door of wood and iron, a foot thick, and the iron grating which strained the light, I could not help being struck with the foolishness of that institution which treated me as if I were mere flesh and blood and bones, to be locked up. I wondered that it should have concluded at length that this was the best use it could put me to, and had never thought to avail itself of my services in some way. I saw that, if there was a wall of stone between me and my townsmen, there was a still more difficult one to climb or break through, before they could get to be as free as I was. I did nor for a moment feel confined, and the walls seemed a great waste of stone and mortar. I felt as if I alone of all my townsmen had paid my tax. They plainly did not know how to treat me, but behaved like persons who are underbred. In every threat and in every compliment there was a blunder; for they thought that my chief desire was to stand the other side of that stone wall. I could not but smile to see how industriously they locked the door on my meditations, which followed them out again without let or hindrance, and they were really all that was dangerous. As they could not reach me, they had resolved to punish my body; just as boys, if they cannot come at some person against whom they have a spite, will abuse his dog. I saw that the State was half-witted, that it was timid as a lone woman with her silver spoons, and that it did not know its friends from its foes, and I lost all my remaining respect for it, and pitied it.

Thus the state never intentionally confronts a man’s sense, intellectual or moral, but only his body, his senses. It is not armed with superior wit or honesty, but with superior physical strength. I was not born to be forced. I will breathe after my own fashion. Let us see who is the strongest. What force has a multitude? They only can force me who obey a higher law than I. They force me to become like themselves. I do not hear of men being forced to live this way or that by masses of men. What sort of life were that to live? When I meet a government which says to me, “Your money or your life,” why should I be in haste to give it my money? It may be in a great strait, and not know what to do: I cannot help that. It must help itself; do as I do. It is not worth the while to snivel about it. I am not responsible for the successful working of the machinery of society. I am not the son of the engineer. I perceive that, when an acorn and a chestnut fall side by side, the one does not remain inert to make way for the other, but both obey their own laws, and spring and grow and flourish as best they can, till one, perchance, overshadows and destroys the other. If a plant cannot live according to its nature, it dies; and so a man.

The night in prison was novel and interesting enough. The prisoners in their shirt-sleeves were enjoying a chat and the evening air in the door-way, when I entered. But the jailer said, “Come, boys, it is time to lock up;” and so they dispersed, and I heard the sound of their steps returning into the hollow apartments. My room-mate was introduced to me by the jailer as “a first-rate fellow and a clever man.” When the door was locked, he showed me where to hang my hat, and how he managed matters there. The rooms were whitewashed once a month; and this one, at least, was the whitest, most simply furnished, and probably the neatest apartment in town. He naturally wanted to know where I came from, and what brought me there; and, when I had told him, I asked him in my turn how he came there, presuming him to be an honest man, of course; and, as the world goes, I believe he was. “Why,” said he, “they accuse me of burning a barn; but I never did it.” As near as I could discover, he had probably gone to bed in a barn when drunk, and smoked his pipe there; and so a barn was burnt. He had the reputation of being a clever man, had been there some three months waiting for his trial to come on, and would have to wait as much longer; but he was quite domesticated and contented, since he got his board for nothing, and thought that he was well treated.

He occupied one window, and I the other; and I saw, that, if one stayed there long, his principal business would be to look out the window. I had soon read all the tracts that were left there, and examined where former prisoners had broken out, and where a grate had been sawed off, and heard the history of the various occupants of that room; for I found that even here there was a history and a gossip which never circulated beyond the walls of the jail. Probably this is the only house in the town where verses are composed, which are afterward printed in a circular form, but not published. I was shown quite a long list of verses which were composed by some young men who had been detected in an attempt to escape, who avenged themselves by singing them.

I pumped my fellow-prisoner as dry as I could, for fear I should never see him again; but at length he showed me which was my bed, and left me to blow out the lamp.

It was like travelling into a far country, such as I had never expected to behold, to lie there for one night. It seemed to me that I never had heard the town-clock strike before, nor the evening sounds of the village; for we slept with the windows open, which were inside the grating. It was to see my native village in the light of the Middle Ages, and our Concord was turned into a Rhine stream, and visions of knights and castles passed before me. They were the voices of old burghers that I heard in the streets. I was an involuntary spectator and auditor of whatever was done and said in the kitchen of the adjacent village-inn—a wholly new and rare experience to me. It was a closer view of my native town. I was fairly inside of it. I never had seen its institutions before. This is one of its peculiar institutions; for it is a shire town. I began to comprehend what its inhabitants were about.

In the morning, our breakfasts were put through the hole in the door, in small oblong-square tin pans, made to fit, and holding a pint of chocolate, with brown bread, and an iron spoon. When they called for the vessels again, I was green enough to return what bread I had left; but my comrade seized it, and said that I should lay that up for lunch or dinner. Soon after, he was let out to work at haying in a neighboring field, whither he went every day, and would not be back till noon; so he bade me good-day, saying that he doubted if he should see me again.

When I came out of prison,—for some one interfered, and paid the tax,—I did not perceive that great changes had taken place on the common, such as he observed who went in a youth, and emerged a gray-headed man; and yet a change had to my eyes come over the scene,—the town, and State, and country,—greater than any that mere time could effect. I saw yet more distinctly the State in which I lived. I saw to what extent the people among whom I lived could be trusted as good neighbors and friends; that their friendship was for summer weather only; that they did not greatly purpose to do right; that they were a distinct race from me by their prejudices and superstitions, as the Chinamen and Malays are; that, in their sacrifices to humanity they ran no risks, not even to their property; that, after all, they were not so noble but they treated the thief as he had treated them, and hoped, by a certain outward observance and a few prayers, and by walking in a particular straight though useless path from time to time, to save their souls. This may be to judge my neighbors harshly; for I believe that most of them are not aware that they have such an institution as the jail in their village.

It was formerly the custom in our village, when a poor debtor came out of jail, for his acquaintances to salute him, looking through their fingers, which were crossed to represent the grating of a jail window, “How do ye do?” My neighbors did not thus salute me, but first looked at me, and then at one another, as if I had returned from a long journey. I was put into jail as I was going to the shoemaker’s to get a shoe which was mended. When I was let out the next morning, I proceeded to finish my errand, and, having put on my mended shoe, joined a huckleberry party, who were impatient to put themselves under my conduct; and in half an hour,—for the horse was soon tackled,—was in the midst of a huckleberry field, on one of our highest hills, two miles off; and then the State was nowhere to be seen.

This is the whole history of “My Prisons.”

I have never declined paying the highway tax, because I am as desirous of being a good neighbor as I am of being a bad subject; and, as for supporting schools, I am doing my part to educate my fellow-countrymen now. It is for no particular item in the tax-bill that I refuse to pay it. I simply wish to refuse allegiance to the State, to withdraw and stand aloof from it effectually. I do not care to trace the course of my dollar, if I could, till it buys a man, or a musket to shoot one with,—the dollar is innocent,—but I am concerned to trace the effects of my allegiance. In fact, I quietly declare war with the State, after my fashion, though I will still make use and get what advantages of her I can, as is usual in such cases.

If others pay the tax which is demanded of me, from a sympathy with the State, they do but what they have already done in their own case, or rather they abet injustice to a greater extent than the State requires. If they pay the tax from a mistaken interest in the individual taxed, to save his property or prevent his going to jail, it is because they have not considered wisely how far they let their private feelings interfere with the public good.

This, then, is my position at present. But one cannot be too much on his guard in such a case, lest his actions be biassed by obstinacy, or an undue regard for the opinions of men. Let him see that he does only what belongs to himself and to the hour.

I think sometimes, Why, this people mean well; they are only ignorant; they would do better if they knew how: why give your neighbors this pain to treat you as they are not inclined to? But I think, again, this is no reason why I should do as they do, or permit others to suffer much greater pain of a different kind. Again, I sometimes say to myself, When many millions of men, without heat, without ill-will, without personal feeling of any kind, demand of you a few shillings only, without the possibility, such is their constitution, of retracting or altering their present demand, and without the possibility, on your side, of appeal to any other millions, why expose yourself to this overwhelming brute force? You do not resist cold and hunger, the winds and the waves, thus obstinately; you quietly submit to a thousand similar necessities. You do not put your head into the fire. But just in proportion as I regard this as not wholly a brute force, but partly a human force, and consider that I have relations to those millions as to so many millions of men, and not of mere brute or inanimate things, I see that appeal is possible, first and instantaneously, from them to the Maker of them, and, secondly, from them to themselves. But, if I put my head deliberately into the fire, there is no appeal to fire or to the Maker of fire, and I have only myself to blame. If I could convince myself that I have any right to be satisfied with men as they are, and to treat them accordingly, and not according, in some respects, to my requisitions and expectations of what they and I ought to be, then, like a good Mussulman and fatalist, I should endeavor to be satisfied with things as they are, and say it is the will of God. And, above all, there is this difference between resisting this and a purely brute or natural force, that I can resist this with some effect; but I cannot expect, like Orpheus, to change the nature of the rocks and trees and beasts.

I do not wish to quarrel with any man or nation. I do not wish to split hairs, to make fine distinctions, or set myself up as better than my neighbors. I seek rather, I may say, even an excuse for conforming to the laws of the land. I am but too ready to conform to them. Indeed I have reason to suspect myself on this head; and each year, as the tax-gatherer comes round, I find myself disposed to review the acts and position of the general and state governments, and the spirit of the people to discover a pretext for conformity.

“We must affect our country as our parents, And if at any time we alienate Out love of industry from doing it honor, We must respect effects and teach the soul Matter of conscience and religion, And not desire of rule or benefit.”

I believe that the State will soon be able to take all my work of this sort out of my hands, and then I shall be no better patriot than my fellow-countrymen. Seen from a lower point of view, the Constitution, with all its faults, is very good; the law and the courts are very respectable; even this State and this American government are, in many respects, very admirable, and rare things, to be thankful for, such as a great many have described them; seen from a higher still, and the highest, who shall say what they are, or that they are worth looking at or thinking of at all?

However, the government does not concern me much, and I shall bestow the fewest possible thoughts on it. It is not many moments that I live under a government, even in this world. If a man is thought-free, fancy-free, imagination-free, that which is not never for a long time appearing to be to him, unwise rulers or reformers cannot fatally interrupt him.

I know that most men think differently from myself; but those whose lives are by profession devoted to the study of these or kindred subjects content me as little as any. Statesmen and legislators, standing so completely within the institution, never distinctly and nakedly behold it. They speak of moving society, but have no resting-place without it. They may be men of a certain experience and discrimination, and have no doubt invented ingenious and even useful systems, for which we sincerely thank them; but all their wit and usefulness lie within certain not very wide limits. They are wont to forget that the world is not governed by policy and expediency. Webster never goes behind government, and so cannot speak with authority about it. His words are wisdom to those legislators who contemplate no essential reform in the existing government; but for thinkers, and those who legislate for all time, he never once glances at the subject. I know of those whose serene and wise speculations on this theme would soon reveal the limits of his mind’s range and hospitality. Yet, compared with the cheap professions of most reformers, and the still cheaper wisdom and eloquence of politicians in general, his are almost the only sensible and valuable words, and we thank Heaven for him. Comparatively, he is always strong, original, and, above all, practical. Still his quality is not wisdom, but prudence. The lawyer’s truth is not Truth, but consistency or a consistent expediency. Truth is always in harmony with herself, and is not concerned chiefly to reveal the justice that may consist with wrong-doing. He well deserves to be called, as he has been called, the Defender of the Constitution. There are really no blows to be given by him but defensive ones. He is not a leader, but a follower. His leaders are the men of ’87. “I have never made an effort,” he says, “and never propose to make an effort; I have never countenanced an effort, and never mean to countenance an effort, to disturb the arrangement as originally made, by which the various States came into the Union.” Still thinking of the sanction which the Constitution gives to slavery, he says, “Because it was part of the original compact,—let it stand.” Notwithstanding his special acuteness and ability, he is unable to take a fact out of its merely political relations, and behold it as it lies absolutely to be disposed of by the intellect,—what, for instance, it behoves a man to do here in America today with regard to slavery, but ventures, or is driven, to make some such desperate answer as the following, while professing to speak absolutely, and as a private man,—from which what new and singular code of social duties might be inferred?—“The manner,” says he, “in which the governments of those States where slavery exists are to regulate it, is for their own consideration, under the responsibility to their constituents, to the general laws of propriety, humanity, and justice, and to God. Associations formed elsewhere, springing from a feeling of humanity, or any other cause, have nothing whatever to do with it. They have never received any encouragement from me and they never will.” [These extracts have been inserted since the Lecture was read —HDT]

They who know of no purer sources of truth, who have traced up its stream no higher, stand, and wisely stand, by the Bible and the Constitution, and drink at it there with reverence and humanity; but they who behold where it comes trickling into this lake or that pool, gird up their loins once more, and continue their pilgrimage toward its fountain-head.

No man with a genius for legislation has appeared in America. They are rare in the history of the world. There are orators, politicians, and eloquent men, by the thousand; but the speaker has not yet opened his mouth to speak who is capable of settling the much-vexed questions of the day. We love eloquence for its own sake, and not for any truth which it may utter, or any heroism it may inspire. Our legislators have not yet learned the comparative value of free-trade and of freedom, of union, and of rectitude, to a nation. They have no genius or talent for comparatively humble questions of taxation and finance, commerce and manufactures and agriculture. If we were left solely to the wordy wit of legislators in Congress for our guidance, uncorrected by the seasonable experience and the effectual complaints of the people, America would not long retain her rank among the nations. For eighteen hundred years, though perchance I have no right to say it, the New Testament has been written; yet where is the legislator who has wisdom and practical talent enough to avail himself of the light which it sheds on the science of legislation.

The authority of government, even such as I am willing to submit to,—for I will cheerfully obey those who know and can do better than I, and in many things even those who neither know nor can do so well,—is still an impure one: to be strictly just, it must have the sanction and consent of the governed. It can have no pure right over my person and property but what I concede to it. The progress from an absolute to a limited monarchy, from a limited monarchy to a democracy, is a progress toward a true respect for the individual. Even the Chinese philosopher was wise enough to regard the individual as the basis of the empire. Is a democracy, such as we know it, the last improvement possible in government? Is it not possible to take a step further towards recognizing and organizing the rights of man? There will never be a really free and enlightened State, until the State comes to recognize the individual as a higher and independent power, from which all its own power and authority are derived, and treats him accordingly. I please myself with imagining a State at last which can afford to be just to all men, and to treat the individual with respect as a neighbor; which even would not think it inconsistent with its own repose, if a few were to live aloof from it, not meddling with it, nor embraced by it, who fulfilled all the duties of neighbors and fellow-men. A State which bore this kind of fruit, and suffered it to drop off as fast as it ripened, would prepare the way for a still more perfect and glorious State, which also I have imagined, but not yet anywhere seen.

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• The Columbian Exchange
• De Las Casas and the Conquistadors
• Early Visual Representations of the New World
• Failed European Colonies in the New World
• Successful European Colonies in the New World
• A Model of Christian Charity
• Benjamin Franklin’s Satire of Witch Hunting
• The American Revolution as Civil War
• Patrick Henry and “Give Me Liberty!”
• Lexington & Concord: Tipping Point of the Revolution
• Abigail Adams and “Remember the Ladies”
• Thomas Paine’s “Common Sense,” 1776
• Citizen Leadership in the Young Republic
• After Shays’ Rebellion
• James Madison Debates a Bill of Rights
• America, the Creeks, and Other Southeastern Tribes
• America and the Six Nations: Native Americans After the Revolution
• The Revolution of 1800
• Jefferson and the Louisiana Purchase
• The Expansion of Democracy During the Jacksonian Era
• The Religious Roots of Abolition
• Individualism in Ralph Waldo Emerson’s “Self-Reliance”
• Aylmer’s Motivation in Nathaniel Hawthorne’s “The Birthmark”

Thoreau’s Critique of Democracy in “Civil Disobedience”

• Hester’s A: The Red Badge of Wisdom
• “What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?”
• The Cult of Domesticity
• The Family Life of the Enslaved
• A Pro-Slavery Argument, 1857
• The Underground Railroad
• The Enslaved and the Civil War
• Women, Temperance, and Domesticity
• “The Chinese Question from a Chinese Standpoint,” 1873
• “To Build a Fire”: An Environmentalist Interpretation
• Progressivism in the Factory
• Progressivism in the Home
• The “Aeroplane” as a Symbol of Modernism
• The “Phenomenon of Lindbergh”
• The Radio as New Technology: Blessing or Curse? A 1929 Debate
• The Marshall Plan Speech: Rhetoric and Diplomacy
• NSC 68: America’s Cold War Blueprint
• The Moral Vision of Atticus Finch

Advisor: Charles Capper, Professor of History, Boston University; National Humanities Center Fellow. Copyright National Humanities Center, 2014

Lesson Contents

Teacher’s note.

• Text Analysis & Close Reading Questions

Follow-Up Assignment

• Student Version PDF

What criticisms of representative democracy does Thoreau raise in “Civil Disobedience”?

Understanding.

In “Civil Disobedience” Thoreau not only calls for resistance to immoral and unjust government actions, he also criticizes the foundations of representative democracy — majority rule, voting, and representation.

1. According to Thoreau, what is the basis of majority rule? He contends that majority rule is not based on justice or fairness but rather on nothing more than the fact that the majority is physically stronger than the minority.

2. According to Thoreau, how do governments decide questions of right and wrong? They do so on the basis of majority rule, on mere numbers, on the simple fact that one side of a question gets more votes than the other.

3. In Thoreau’s view what should determine right and wrong? Conscience.

4. Why does Thoreau object to governing through legislators? Thoreau objects to governing through legislators because it means turning one’s conscience over to someone else. It means letting someone else decide our views on what is right and what is wrong. We each have a conscience. We should not delegate its use to another person.

5. In his view what sort of questions can legitimately be decided by majority rule? The majority is fit to decide only questions to which the “rule of expediency” can be applied. Teacher’s Note: Here Thoreau is referring to logistical or instrumental issues — taxes, roads, etc. — issues in which the public must select a means to a specific goal in a particular set of circumstances, issues that raise no moral questions.

6. The decisions of government are expressed as laws. According to Thoreau, how should individuals relate to the law and why? Men and women should value the right more than the law because the law, decided by mere numbers and not moral principles, may not embody the right.

7. What two dangers does Thoreau see in paying the law “undue respect”? First, if a law is unjust, and we follow it, we are made “agents of injustice,” that is, we commit injustice ourselves. Second, an “undue respect for the law” can lead us to follow it blindly, thereby giving up our humanity, as Thoreau suggest in his description of soldiers whose unthinking embrace of their orders has turned them into “movable forts.”

8. Based on your reading of this paragraph, why does Thoreau assert that “a government in which the majority rule in all cases cannot be based on justice”? The key word here is “all.” Were the majority to rule in “some” cases, those in which the “rule of expediency” could be applied, and reserved issues of right and wrong to the individual conscience, its rule would be just. But in leaving all issues — the expedient and ethical — up to the majority, when justice is at stake, it cannot be just because the majority will inevitably violate the conscience of someone.

Teacher’s Note: To clarify Thoreau’s grammar here, you might point out that since “majority” is a collective noun, it can be either singular or plural. Here he uses it in the plural. Today we would probably use it in the singular: “…in which the majority rules.”

Paragraph 11

9. How is voting like betting? They are both passive. In both we relinquish our ability to influence outcomes through action. In both hope takes the place of action. When we bet, we put our money down and hope that our team wins. When we vote, we put our money down and hope that our candidate wins.

10. What does Thoreau mean when he says that “the character of the voters is not staked” in voting? He means the voter’s character is not at stake in the election; the voter has nothing personal to lose because he has turned over responsibility for the decision to the majority.

11. On what grounds does Thoreau believe the majority will make its decision? On the grounds of expediency, on what will be most useful to the greatest number of people.

12. According to Thoreau, when is the majority likely to vote for morality and justice? The majority is likely to vote for morality and justice when the issue has already been decided, when it takes no courage to vote for the right, when, in other words, its vote no longer matters.

“It is not desirable,” wrote Thoreau, “to cultivate a respect for the law, so much as for the right.” Many have been influenced by Thoreau’s distinction between what is law and what is right (moral), including Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King, President John F. Kennedy, and Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas. Your task is to choose an example from history or current events in which a law was seen to conflict with what was right. Develop an oral argument that might be used in a mock trial to defend someone who has violated such a law. You might investigate war protests, civil rights struggles, police brutality, or other events as directed by your teacher.

Divide your argument into three parts: state the law, explain why it is not moral, and offer a solution to resolve the conflict between the law and morality: should the law be abolished or should it be rewritten, and if so, how? Share your oral argument with your class.

Vocabulary Pop-Ups

• conscientious: governed by moral conscience
• whit: small amount
• palpitation: beat, throb
• unscrupulous: unprincipled, dishonest
• gaming: gambling
• tinge: the quality of being slightly marked or influenced by something
• staked: bet
• prevail: win, triumph
• expediency: practical, used here with the connotation of ignoring morality
• feebly: weakly
• indifferent: uninterested in
• hasten: to bring about more quickly
• Rowse, Samuel Worcester. Henry David Thoreau, 1854 (crayon portrait). Courtesy Concord Free Public Library.
• Henry David Thoreau, head-and-shoulders portrait, facing slightly right. Photographic print. c. 1879. From Library of Congress Miscellaneous Items in High Demand. http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/95513963/ (October 10, 2014)
• Maxham, Benjamin D. Henry David Thoreau. Ninth-plate Daguerreotype. National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution; gift of anonymous donor. http://npgportraits.si.edu/eMuseumNPG/code/emuseum.asp?rawsearch=ObjectID/,/is/,/31401/,/false/,/false&newprofile=CAP&newstyle=single (October 10, 2014)

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Civil Disobedience

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Summary and Study Guide

Summary: “civil disobedience”.

Henry David Thoreau’s “On the Duty of Civil Disobedience,” more commonly known as “Civil Disobedience,” originated as a Concord Lyceum lecture given in January 1848 as the Mexican-American War was winding down. The essay and its central thesis—that following one’s conscience trumps the need to follow the law—have profoundly impacted global history, political philosophy, and American thought, notably influencing both Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr.

The text was originally published in an 1849 essay collection titled Resistance to Civil Government edited by Transcendental writer and educator Elizabeth Peabody. The essay’s final form was published in 1866 under the title “Civil Disobedience” in a posthumous collection of Thoreau’s work. Today it can be found in the public domain. This guide utilizes the version found at ibiblio.org ( https://www.ibiblio.org/ebooks/Thoreau/Civil%20Disobedience.pdf ).

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The essay opens with Thoreau declaring that he believes in the adage “that government is best which governs least,” which he says amounts to “that government is best which governs not at all” (3). This is because the government often does not serve the public’s interest and can be “abused and perverted before the people can act through it” (3). Government is often not beneficial, as has been proven in the Mexican-American War, the work of a small group of people who have used the government as their tool despite public dissent. Thoreau also argues that government is harmful because it can be bent to the will of one person, though it was established to serve the will of the collective people.

Thoreau clarifies that he does not mean to get rid of government altogether, since people must have some entity—he uses the metaphor of the government as a machine—to hear their voices. However, he notes the US government really does not do anything the people do not do themselves: “It does not keep the country free,” “settle the West,” or “educate,” as these achievements stem from the “character inherent” to the American people, who would have accomplished even more if the government had not slowed their progress (4). Instead, Thoreau advocates not for no government but for a “better government” (4).

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This is difficult to achieve in a democracy because democracies are dominated by the majority. The majority is not always morally right but often merely stronger than the minority, so a “government in which the majority rule in all cases cannot be based on justice” (4). As such, Thoreau argues that laws created by the majority do not need to be followed if they go against a person’s conscience. It is better that a person do what is right than what is lawful.

Laws do not make a person more morally sound; in fact, following some laws actually makes a human less morally sound, as “even the well-disposed are daily made the agents of injustice” (5). Thoreau brings up the example of a soldier who fights a war, since most soldiers know that war by its nature is unjust. Those soldiers become tools of the state who cannot really be thought of as men but as “small moveable forts and magazines” who serve “some unscrupulous man in power” since they lose their humanity when they cannot follow their own consciences (5). Thoreau argues that soldiers serve the government with their bodies while politicians and legislators serve with their heads. But because legislators do not usually make “moral distinctions,” they “are as likely to serve the devil, without intending it , as God” (6). There are leaders who do challenge the government or prioritize their moral principles, but they are few and are treated as traitors or enemies by the government.

Thoreau then asks how a person should behave toward the US government, especially given the moral injustices of the Mexican-American War and slavery . He argues that a moral person cannot “be associated with” the US government, as that person’s government cannot naturally be the “slave’s government also” (6). As such, he argues that Americans have a duty to rebel against the government. The reason there has not been a revolution against slavery is not because of the Southerners but because Thoreau’s neighbors in Massachusetts “are more interested in commerce and agriculture than they are in humanity” and would rather wait passively for someone else to solve the problem (8). Thoreau says the cause of building a moral government and eradicating slavery from the United States is paramount. To be a good citizen, one must follow their conscience and promote justice, even if the actions of individuals tear the nation itself apart.

Thoreau dismisses those who say they do not like the government but do nothing about it; he is especially vehement that voting is not a strong enough action to make the government just. Voting for the right thing does not do anything beyond telling the powers that be that you hope what you vote for prevails. The majority can choose whether to hear it, and regardless, the majority will always do whatever is in its own interest. Thus, the majority will only vote for the abolition of slavery, for instance, when there either are so few slaves left that the vote makes no difference or when the cause of slavery itself no longer benefits the majority’s interest. Worse, there are few independent voters left in America, as most are beholden to political party elites and vote for whomever the party places on the ballot.

However, Thoreau clarifies that a person has no obligation to eliminate the wrongs the government reinforces. A person may be busy living their own life or have other goals or interests than justice, but each person has a moral duty to “wash his hands” of injustices perpetrated by the government (10). Thoreau describes the hypocrites in his town who announce that they would not put down a slave insurrection or fight in Mexico if the government demanded it, but who still provide money to the government to support those actions.

Since everyone agrees that there are unjust laws, Thoreau asks whether people should “be content to obey” them, try to “amend them” but obey them until they are amended, or “transgress them all at once” (12). He states that most people will choose the second course of action, thinking that the cure of injustice is worse than the disease. This may be so, but this rationale is the fault of the government, as the State does not encourage dissent. Laws are set up to protect the State, and the State cannot fathom that a citizen might deny its authority. Thoreau revisits the metaphor of the machine to describe times when citizens need to rebel. If the injustice is necessary for the “machine of government” to function, it should be left alone as it will likely sort itself out (12). If the injustice has a part of the machine devoted exclusively to the injustice, it might need to be left alone as well, as it may be that the “remedy” may be “worse than the evil” (12). But if the injustice requires a citizen to be “the agent of injustice to another,” then Thoreau argues a citizen should “break the law” (12). That is, if a law requires one to live immorally and to harm another, the law must not be followed.

Breaking the law is the preferred action because the government cannot easily amend laws. In fact, the Constitution itself is “evil” as it sets up unjust laws (13). Thoreau states that his place in the world is simply to live in it, not to improve it. Besides, one person cannot do everything necessary to eliminate injustice. Rather, the preferred action is simply to withdraw support for the government. Abolitionists should stop providing their property or bodies to support the government of Massachusetts, as God would be on their side, and as each person is a “majority of one” who does not need to wait for the government to change (13).

Thoreau discusses his own actions, describing his interactions with the tax collector. Thoreau always makes sure to argue with the tax collector because he has voluntarily chosen to represent the unjust government and because Thoreau’s disagreement is with the men who make the laws, not the law itself. These conversations are small acts of rebellion, but Thoreau argues that small protests are important, as they are permanent and can combine to effect change. The tax collector, for instance, could be convinced to resign his office and, thus, slow the government. However, Thoreau laments that most men are too timid to act or risk being jailed for what they believe.

But prison is actually a freer place than society, as the prisoner can live an honorable life since they have been placed there for opposing the unjust State. Prison can also make a person more devoted to fighting injustice, since the imprisoned experience injustice firsthand rather than vicariously through the experience of the slave or the soldier.

Thoreau urges all those who stand against injustice to combine their weight against the State, since a minority that “clogs” the government can make the government change (15). After all, the State cannot imprison everyone and will choose to end a war or abolish slavery rather than arrest the masses. Additionally, Thoreau suggests that not paying taxes is preferred to letting the State use those tax dollars to cause violence and bloodshed. In fact, if enough people did not pay taxes, it would be “the definition of a peaceable revolution” (15). And even if there were to be some bloodshed in that revolution, it would be blood shed from a wounded conscience, blood Thoreau says he sees now.

Thoreau mostly focuses on prison as a consequence because the alternative—having property or goods taken—largely does not apply to the people who are most interested in ending injustice. Such people are not likely to have much property or wealth, as the wealthy are “sold to the institution”—the State—that made them wealthy (16). And wealth comes with a decreasing sense of virtue or morality. Should a person become rich, the best thing they can do is maintain the lifestyle they had before accumulating wealth. Thoreau also anticipates a criticism of his argument—that acting against the State will erode the State’s protections or, worse, that the State will come after that person’s property or family. Thoreau suggests that this quagmire is exactly why one should not attempt to accumulate wealth and should instead live with their own means, as it is impossible to live both morally and comfortably. Thoreau does not consider himself dependent on the State for anything, and because he is not rich, it costs him less to disobey the State than it would cost his soul, his humanity, and his integrity to obey it.

Thoreau then recounts his own acts of disobedience. He once refused to pay money to a church his father attended but that he did not. To avoid paying, he wrote to a town clerk that he did not wish to be viewed as a member of that church, and he has not gotten a bill since. However, he regrets that there is no way to write a similar letter for every society he wishes to divest himself from. He then states that he has not paid a poll tax in six years, and even spent one night in jail as a result, but he felt free in that jail. The wall that separated him from his town actually lifted his spirits, as he felt threatened not by the prisoners but by the world outside the prison walls. He learned to feel bad for the State because it does “not know its friends from its foes,” while he only has to answer to a higher power and obey his own laws (19). He recognized in jail that he was not part of the machinery of government and that the State could only ever take his body, not his mind.

Thoreau describes his night in prison as a trip to another country. He felt as though he was seeing his native village through the eyes of the past, as though he had entered the Middle Ages. He feels that he had never gotten a look at his town’s inner workings or institutions, especially the peculiar institution of prison, which contains perfectly formed holes for giving inmates food and open windows that let the town be heard and seen at all times. He is fascinated by how it functions, the gossip the inmates tell, and the verses they write. His roommate is a man accused of burning his barn, but Thoreau wonders if he accidentally lit a fire after passing out drunk. The cellmate shows him how the prison works and even offers friendly advice on saving his bread for later meals.

The next morning Thoreau is released because someone has paid his tax for him, against his wishes. After leaving prison, Thoreau feels changed, like he can see his city and its people more clearly. He recognizes that they are friends in “summer weather only” and that they cannot be counted on to effect change (21). He notes that none of them understand that an institution like the jail even exists. Thoreau leaves town and is no longer under the State’s oversight.

Out of town, he announces that he refuses allegiance to the State as a whole. He pays for the highway tax because it benefits his neighbors but refuses all other taxes. Thoreau admits that his neighbors probably mean well, and he wishes he could respect their wishes. However, he knows that supporting their wishes and paying all taxes would hurt others who do not live in his community. He criticizes the person who anonymously paid his taxes as being either supporting injustice (if the person paid the bill out of solidarity with the State) or interfering with the public good (if the person paid it to help him), as Thoreau’s actions (or inactions) are for the public good of change.

Despite his stances, Thoreau admits that he wants to follow the law, as he does not want conflict with anyone. He argues that the Constitution looks like it should deserve obeisance and respect from one point of view . However, when he looks at those laws from “a little higher,” they appear less moral, and he wonders if the laws are worth thinking about at all (24). He admits that most people disagree with him, but he is discontented by legislators and politicians. They are part of the unjust institutions and, therefore, cannot see how or why to change them. He argues that they may have made some useful systems, but they cannot see the inherent injustice in the law as a whole. Thoreau singles out Daniel Webster, the famous US congressman and diplomat, as a politician who will not reform government because he follows the institution and law as a whole. Webster supports slavery, for instance, not because he thinks slavery is just but because slavery is part of the original Constitution. Thus, to Thoreau, Webster has rightly been called the “Defender of the Constitution,” but that honor makes him prudent, not wise (25).

Thoreau concludes the essay by calling the authority of government “impure,” as a government cannot be just if it lacks the “sanction and consent of the governed” (27). Democracy is a step in the right direction for the power of the individual, but it does not go far enough. Thoreau imagines a State that would fully respect an individual and not mind if a few people chose to live completely free of the State altogether, “not meddling with it, nor embraced by it” (27-28). If such a State could exist, then an even “more perfect and glorious” State could follow (28).

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